Socialist Action (LSA) Vol. 1, No. 1, January 1976
A different group, and a different paper from the IMG’s Socialist Action of 1983–88. The League for Socialist Action were supporters of the US Socialist Workers Party’s tendency in the Fourth International who split from the IMG in 1976 and rejoined it in 1982.
The scan: Socialist Action v1 no1 Jan 1976.pdf (PDF, Marxists Internet Archive)
Uncorrected machine reading of the whole issue. This text was read by machine (Apple Vision OCR) from the scan and has not been corrected or cut into articles. Each page gives the headlines first, then the columns in order, so one article runs on into the next. Expect misread words. Use it to find things; quote from the scan.
Page 1 scan of this page
SOCIALIST ACTION THE RIGHT
PAPER OF THE LEAGUE FOR SOCIALIST ACTION
SPAIN:
The Powder Keg
Just before Franco's final collapse,
the Economist compared Spain to a
car driven by a little old man whose
eyes are fixed on the rear-view mir-
ror. He has just taken it through a
red light and onto a dangerous cross-
roacs. Can the driver be persuaded
to look forward instead of back or
can someone else intervene to slam
on the brake?!
Now that Franco's hands have slipped
off the wheel, the car looks even more
dangerously out of control. Juan Car-
los, elected head of government last
October and Franco's designated heir,
seems incapable of slamming on any
brake and defusing the explosive
situation building up.
On the contrary, nis election nas
coincided with a deft push on the ac-
celerator as hard-line Franco supp-
orters have moved into action. In the
past few months, •Basque nationalists
have been further repressed, oppos-
ition spokesmen in Madrid intimidated
and student assemblies in Valencia
and Seville broken up, leading to
over 1ov arrests.
Opposition
The Economist's concern for democ-
racy is not, of course, genuine, It is
motivated by fear: fear that unless
concessions are quickly made, the
masses may very well begin, them-
selves, to dismantle the system under
which they have suffered for 40 years,
and install a democracy on socialist
lines. Memories of Portugal, just
after the overthrow of Catano, are
still too vivid.
Such a fear is perfectly justified.
Opposition is growing on all sides as
ever-wider layers grow impatient for
change. The student rallies represent
only one aspect of the mass discontent
which has grown in determination and size since the Burgos trials in 1970.
The development of the workers commissions, which last year swept the
elections in the fascist trade unions, averaging 75% of the votes, repres ents another. It is these commissions which have been responsible for the enormous growth in strikes - over 2196 last year involving over 700, 000 workers - which have shaken the country.
Another time-bomb confronting the Carlos regime is the unresolved problem ot the oppressed nationalities whose rights have been trampled on for decades by the Franco dictatorship. Despite Carlos! recent decision to grant such nationalities the right to use their own language, the situation In the Basque country, where a virtual reign of terror existed, is explosive.
As the Times recently suggested, the intensified repression of Francols last period succeeded not only in alienating ine masses but also ithe former pillars of support, in the Catholic Church and the Army!. The fact that last year alone 13 young officers of the UMD (Democratic Military Union) were arrested for advocating a return to 'democracy' is an indication of how deep popular opposition to the aictatorsnip Is.
Concessions The major concern occupying bourgeois commentators is whether, as the New York Times put it, these trends
mark later this year.
The response of the TUC leadership to
the demonstration - which had brought
workers from
Coventry Chrysler plant to the Glasgow
Persona factory - was summed up in
the comment by General Secretary Len Murray who described it as the work oT extremists.
That the TUC leaders could describe a demonstration for the right to work as 'extremist! says less about the demonstrators than it does about the TUC. It reveals just how far they have gone in becoming apologists for the government's class-collaborationist policies - policies based upon creating mass unemployment - in the unions. Social Contract
Originally, Sold the Social Contract - and the more grounds that it was the only way to save jobs. They faithfully echoed Healey's words that it was better for all to take a cut in living standards than that those lucky enough to keep their jobs should scoop the pool while millions are living on the dole!.
The chickens in this argument have now come home to roost. Despite the fact that wages have complied with the Social Contract - which has even been accepted by such unions unemployment has continued to While wages, have dropped by 7.3% over the past 9 months or so, unemployment is still escalating at the alarming rate of 1000 a day.
In certain areas, the shadow of the thirties is becoming once again a Stark reality as closures and lay-offs have pushed up the total to 10%. Such figures, which hide the Shortened work-week in industries like textiles and car manufacturing, are only a laste or wat is to come.
An ASTMS document, published for the last Labour Party conference, that the jobless total by the end of the year will have reached something in the
TO WORK
N°8 SHIPBUILDING AND ) CONFEDERATION OF
ENGINEERING UNIONS On November 26th, over 20, 000 trade unionists lobt ed Parliament in protest against unemployment figures nearing the one and a half million mark and officially estimated to 'peak' over the two million Opposition as far afield as the in March 1974, strike.
Act,
frontation policies,
of course, the TUC leaders queues lengthen.
living standards,
Even now,
as ine NuM -soar. according to the CBI,
such as Merseyside,
manning levels.
indicates Campaign
ANDREW WIARD (REPORT) the Heath government
was swept out of office by the miners
It was the climax in a whole
series of defeats suffered by the Tories
as they tried to implement their threepronged attack upon the labour move-
ment: through the Industrial Relations
unemployment and incomes policy.
It is ironical that what the Tory govern-
ment could not achieve, despite its con-
the Wilson government has achieved in little less than two years without a murmer of real opposition. The reason for this lies, of course, in the connivance of the trade union leaders with the government's pro-capitalist
strategy, cynically prepared to watch living standards plummet as the dole
At no time during the past period have the TUC leaders (or the Labour lefts!) attempted to challenge Wilson's policies by putting forward a viable alternative based on the need to defend jobs and
ana mobllising the labour movement to fight for it. The massive majority wilson won for his disastrous policy at the Labour Party conference, supported even by 'leftsi such as Foot, is proof of this.
when the dole queues are longer than for the past 30 years, the most they have done is to mouth a few 'concerned' phrases, hinting to the government that it may be difficult for them to continue selling the Social Contraci without a few token anti_ unemployment safeguards. The latest TUC package, presented to Healey for consideration, includes demands for limport controls! and increased subsidies tor tirms to maintain
While Healey has accepted some or these proposals, his real attitude can be detected in his comment that there can, in the period ahead, be no as crase in unemployment.
JAN 76
TEN PENC
not been wanting. Individual factories from Plesseys in Liverpool to Persona in Glasgow have been occupied as the workforce spontaneously began to reject the irrationality! of a system which can throw people on the scrapheap at a moment's notice.
These struggles, while a sign of growing militancy, have generally remained isolated and, as a result, have often ended in defeat. While supporting such initiatives, the key task
at present is to spearhead the fight for the right to work in the labour movement as a whole - in the trade union and Labour Farty branches - demanding that the leadership begin to challenge head-on the pro-capitalist policies of the Labour government.
The problems of individual groups of workers - from teachers to dockers -can no longer be solved in isolation. They must act as the springboard for Mammering out inside the labour movement. a programme to safeguard jobs al a national level wich the present government, elected by working people, must be called upon to implement ir the interests of working people.
The proposals submitted so tar by the TUC are totally inadequate in this trols! are no solution to mounting dole cucues. Trying to export! unemployment merely hides the fact that cutting out cheaper imported goods will only push prices up. In a situation of wage restraint, this will mean that workers will be able to buy less and will only therefore force unemployment in oiner sectors of the economy.
A mass campaign for the right to work - a campaign demanding the present leadership challenge head-on Wilson's respect Demands such as "import con be based on uniting workers and not dividing them.
Labour
Unless such a campaign is developed in the period ahead, it could lead to a serious demoralisation in the labour movement, opening it up particularly to racist demagogy. This is true not only for those facing redundancies in the period ahead but also for those already on the dole whom the trade union leadership must be compelled to fight for.
In fighting to unite both employed and unemployed, socialists should be prepared to work with all forces in the labour movement in a commor attempt to make the TUC and Labour Party demand the present government act in the interests of working people - or else replace it with one that will. * WORK SHARING
In factories where lay-offs are on
the cards, the call should be made
Tor dividing the existing amount of
work among the existing workforce. * OPEN THE BOOKS
Employers who refuse to concede
work-sharing - and insist on the
necessly tor cul-backs - must be
called upon, at local and national
level, to open ineir secret accounts
to workers! representatives. * NATIONALISE UNDER WORKERS
CONTROL If employers refuse to open the books - or 'provel thereby the case for lay-offs - the demand must be raised tor nationalisation under workers! control. Unlike the TUCIs proposal for increased subsidies for firms obviously incapable of managing their own affairs, they should be nationalised as part of a workers! plan for production. *PUBLIC WORKS PROGRAMME in order to absorb the thousands of unemployed, a bold public works Programme Should be called for. All cuts in social expenditure should be opposed and the labour and material at present standing
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page 2
after the last rebel units had surrendered. Communist ministers were jubilant.
i ne. Azevedo government nas reason io be jubilant. The coup, sparked off by ultra-lent groups sucn as ine Mas & PRP, has played into their hands. i nas civen unem a fone-awaited excuse to re-establish their crumbling sower through a series of repressive moves they would never have dared undertake in the preceding weeks. By purging over a hundred left-wing officers and dissolving all rank-and file opposition - as in the SAVs -they have already gained monopoly control in the armed forces. Guaranteeing a 'loyal' army is a vital first step in altering the balance of class forces in Portugal.
It provides the government with a key lever in beginning to curb the upsurge in ine workers movement which reduced it to near paralysis in november - an uosurce culminating in the mass metal workers! sirike or ine seice or ine covernment by ine construction workers calling "or a narona minimum wader
Although this will be no easy task, "ne Azevedo covernment nas aireddy begun to erode democratic rights won
A CUTeW has been imposed in Lisbon, leftwing leaders hunted and the press is being censored as left-wing sympathsers are purged from editorial boards of papers in Lisbon and in Oporto.
CP Demagogy
Whatever the pretext offered for the coup - ine government's provocation, for example, in dismissing Carvalho - ine minary 'adventure nas allowed the right, at a time when it was on the retreat. to take ine initiative again. Responsibility for this set-back lies clearly with such ultra-lett groups as the MES and PRP who had been agitating for an 'immediate insurrect-
Colonel Neves: put down coup.
Such groups no doubt hoped that the
uprising of military units in the cap-
•al would spread, like a spark, in he armed forces and the workers! movement. They probably based this assumption on the growing anti-government campaign launched by he Stalinists, in alliance with them, since last August. «hich had led to increasingly adenturist acts such as the disastrous
occupation' in Faro last October, specialised in demagogic appeals to
seoples! power'.
What the ultra-lett dian't realise -
or realised too late - was inal ine
S:alinists' campaign was merely... semagogy. It was designed purely as = cover to pressurise the military
-to granting them those positions ir -e government from which they had seen ousted, last August, by the Socialist Party.
while prepared to go along with seriain adventuristic acts - which
with the AFM - they were never preaared to directly challenge them.
After all, denunciations of the
-ghtists' within the government
•ere always accompanied by calls
•or the re-instatement of 'revolut-
omary officers' sympatneric to une
Communist Party, such as General
Concalves.
Ir's is the reason why, when lic coup took place, ine Stalinists
suickly disassociated themselves •mom it to the extent o arstriburny
ealers in the capital appealing for
their guilt was twotold since,
..-!e encouraging this type of ad-
they left the other groups
: = axe :he consequences alone.
PORTUGAL
LESSONS OF THE COUP
The abortive coup by left-wing army units in Lisbon last November marks a major set-back in the ongoing struggle in Portugal. Reporting only a few days the Guardian wrote that inonThey felt the main obstacle to orderly progress- the chronic disunity in the armed forces - had at last been removed.
shortly afterwards in the New York
made it clear that even thouah most ot ine known lettists in ine multiary nave been ourced. tne military must lead ine revorution'. Popular Front Thegroups engaged in the coup didn't realise that, althougn the stalinists appeared more radical than ine socialist Party which had organised mass rallies in the north in support of the Azevedo regime, very little to choose between them politically. boin partles were merery manoeuvering to curry favour with the multary - ine true government in Portugal since the April 1974 coup -in order to boost their own number o
The left's inability to grasp this is surprising since such squabbling over aaining portfolios in a capitalist government is not new. back to the period just after the Spinola coup in 1974 when both parties rushed to pledge support to the new Provisional government.
In the early days, the Communist Party which was prepared to make the most concessions to the Arm in its attempt to curt 'economic anarchy'. with ine millary, support anti-strike laws (calling the postal workers strike a provocalion'), drop all economic demands on benait or ine workers in ine 'ballie for production' and back the AFM's neo-colonial policies towards Mozambique and Angola.
It was this role of the Stalinists as the too ot ine ement which brought about their growing unpopularity. of workers, they thrust them towards Soares! Socialist Party (which made great play about defending democracy) and contributed towards the latter's election success in April 1975.
Sensing this lack of support, the AFM realised that the Stalinists were less effective in curbing the the workers' movement than the Socialist Farty wnicn was, success, manoeuvering for greater representation. that eventually led to the downfall of the Concalves government, the CP, in favour of the Azevedo one which represented a major concession to Soares.
Obstacle
It has been this constant vying with each other to gain an alliance with the military which has proved the major stumbling block in Portugal to finding a socialist solution to the ongoing crisis.
From the April 1974 coup to the April 1975 Constituent Assembly elections, it was the stalinists wno denounced the Socialists for suspicious alliances with ultra-left groups!. Since the downfall of Concalves, Socialists who have criticised the CP for its 'leftist demagogy'.
Seeking an alliance with the military - or sections of it - means that both parties have consciously sought to contain the upsurge in the workers! movement within limits acceptable to the AFM which remains the major force for capitalist stability in Portugal.
They have acted, a civilian facade for the mulitary wnicr has sought at every stage to oppose the workers! movement in its struggle for economic demands or the liberator movement in the colonies seeking Independence. made - such as the nationalisation of the banks in march last year - nave been wrung from it through mass
More importantly still, by vying for the favour of the military, parties nave spilt ine labour moverlier"
and left the AFM in the enviable pos-
ition of being able to play one off
against the other.
a division nas deen dramatically
revealed recently where the Communis
Dartyle sectarian campaian against th‹
Socialists created the climate for a
Icoup" whereby the military were able
to intervene to roll back the gains of
by T.Roberts
he still felt that
the entire movement.
Alternative
within such a situation,
which they have there was in reality
ineir sectarlan
such a position.
left of the Communist and
It can be traced
of course, it was
Marian campaign launched,
To curry favour of course bv the AFM
between uner.
AFM in the labour mov-
Alienating large layers
United Front upsurge in
after its election
It was this recognitior
relying on concessions. it has been the ¡tical arena,
in this sense, as put it,
Any concessions it nas
of the right, basis of the workers
The danger of such
ernment in 1974.
monarchy.
One of the key tasks for socialists,
would nave been to call upon the workers parties to unite against the military (to
pandered) and cease squabbles, The fact that in the April elections last year almost 60% of the electors supported the two main workers' parties would seem to indicate that there would be a great deal of popular support for Unfortunately, those groups to the
Socialist parties were totally unable to offer such a perspective. Far from trying to break the workers parties Trom collaboration with the military, Une) were themselves captivated by the demagogy of 'left! leaders such as Carvalho. Groups such as the MES and PRP totally supported the sect-
last vuly, by the 'lefts! of the AFM against the Constituent Assembly and in tavour of 'revolutionary councils', dominatec
Far from trying to create a united front of the workers! parties, they themselves became increasingly instrumental in deepening the split
The creation ot ine FUR last August (the Revolutionary United Front involving groups from the MES to the LCI) was essentially a tool in the hands ot ine communis Party in their sectarian campaign against the socialists who were soon designated as 'social fascists!.
Ine coup towards the end of November represented the impasse of such a political line which has helped to set back the entire workers' movement.
Far from tying the workers movement to the AFM, as the left groups have tried to do by boosting figures
SPAIN: (CONT.)
will assume an 'uncontrollable polllical shapel or whether they can defused in time by the granting or
Certainly, governments throughout Europe have been unanimously urging such concessions on the Carlos regime to avoid a social explosion on the scale of Portugal.
The latter is also the fear of the major opposition parties in Spain who, while putting their hats into the pol-
are only too fearful of being overtaken by the mass movemen. Forces such as the Christian Democmats or the Junta Democratica, resenting tendencies from the Social Democrats to the monarchist supporters of Don Juan, nave all ottered their services in effecting a 'smooth path! from dictatorship to democracy.
Such forces seeking, as Le Monde
La more modern, liberal regime for their country, adapted to the conditions of the Europe of the Common Market', are not alone in this course.
They are supported by the Spanish Communist Party which equally sees its role as participating in what Carrillo recently called '.. a broad coalition government of national rec-
onciliation which would include forces
centre and lett on ine re-establishing freedoms...
The Spanish CP's willingness to sell
itself as a reliable prop to capitalisi
order is no doubt based on the role
of its sister party in Portugal which participated in Spinola's coalition gov-
The spanisn Cr IS willing to go even further to preserve
its alliance with the Liberals, however,
by even contemplating support tor a
SOCIALIST ACTION
like Carvalho, the main thrust ought to have been to fight to break the workers' parties from the military by calling on them to form a workers! government. This thrust is even more important today as the military use the excuse of the 'coup' to clamp down on ine workers' movement.
The way to implement such a government is by centering all attention on the right of the Constituent Assembly - reduced in the pasteto a rubber stamp by the military - to exist and function as the sole democratically ele orders go poment, based on Calling for a workers' government, tne constituent Assemory. gives a focal point to the workers' movement independent of the military and unites it in opposition to any further acts of repression,
The neighbourhood and workers' commissions that exist in various parts of the country - enthusiastically endorsed by the ultra-lett as part of the CP/AFM 'Peoples! Power' scheme of last April - offer no alternative at this stage. hese commissions small, fragmented and often dominated by small groups, layers or workers wno see inem ds undemocratically trying to impose the will of a minority. by using inese oreans to insultute coventurist acts a such as bie coup itself - the ultra-left have sought to avoid the central question in Portugal today: how break the allegiance of the masses to Cunhal or Soares? Calling for a workers! government, •basec or the Constituent Assembly, to defend the democratic rights and economic interests of the workers & their allies could begin to do just that.
It could begin to show increasing layers the bankrupcy of both parties in practice and, thereby, open up the wav for a real socialist solution. Up to the present, instead of putting the reformist leaders on the spot, they have been allowed to get away with their class-colladorationist policies almost scot-tree Reckoning The smooth transfer to 'democracy the Communist Party and its allies note tol The new regime finds itself however, by no means likely.
aware that tardiness in granting ref- in a allemma. Carlos is only too orms can only further increase the discontent of a combattive working class which undoubtedly saw Franco's demise as a real opportunity lor social change. He is also aware that the worsening
economic situation - as unemployment and inflation begin to bite - will add extra fuel to demands for change.
On the other hand, he is also aware that to initiate a process of 'liberalisation' would not only alienate the Iright! - the old fascists from the days of the civil war well represented in the government and army: such as General Angel Campano, to whom he has pledged support. It could also
open the sluice gates to popular dem-
ands and action which could threaten to engult the regime, as happened
across the border in Portugal.
Whichever way Carlos turns, , the
prospects are bleak. Whatever patr
he takes, he seems unlikely in the
long term to stave off the day of
reckoning the working class has
with a regime waich, for 36 years has suppressed its most elementary
rights.
It would seem unlikely, when that
day arrives, that the working masses.
aroused to dismantle the dictator-
ship, willbe trapped in the coalition
government' formula of the Communist
Party. Certainly, neither can satisfy
their needs or aspirations.
Page 3 scan of this page
REPEAL THE IMMIGRATION ACT
JANUARY 76
black.
immigration into the country.
Under the Act's 'patrial' clause, specific clampdowns are placed on all immigrants wnose ancestors were not born in the United Kingdom. white, Commonwealth citizens have freer access than ever under such an Act _ over two million kith being granted virtually unlimited entry rights - black immigrants are immediately disenfranchised.
o enter ine country, obtained a work permit for a specific job with a specitic employer. have no right to settle here or to bring in dependents.
They are subject, at immigratior control, to vicious interrogations and humiliating delays for the slightest irregularity in their papers. the job of immens implementing government policy, to keep blacks out, Colour Bar
These openly racist aspects of immigration control are by no means new. Moment moore in his study 'Racism and Black Resistence' ex•lains now. as early as the Tories' 1962 Commonwealth Immigration Act, immigration control had become synonymous with Icolour bar!.
The 1962 Act, which made entry into Britain dependent upon the 'voucher system', was obviously intended to benefit from the racial prejudice developina in areas such as ine Midlands in response to high black immigration in the previous decade. The tact inat it was ine lories inenselves who had actually encouraged such migration - to compensate 1o1
shortage in the service industries - was, quite naturally, crossed over.
The precedent set by the 1962 Act, with hardly any opposition at all from Labour, despite its former •iecce lo any restrictly in Commonwealth immigration, the basis for ever more vicious Acts. Once it was conceded that black
BRAZIL:
55 KILLED
Geisel: claimed tortured orisoners were shot while trying to escape.
Brazilian political prisoners have accused the Geisel regime of torturing to dean at least so portical prisoners since 1969, the Reuters news acene revoreom no ce Janeiro last December.
In a signed statement smuggled out of prison, 35 political prisoners in Sao Paulo said they themselves had witnessed the torture of 16 victims. Thev gave details of more than z4 forms of torture they had been subjected to and cited the names of 133 torturers.
According to Reuters, 'The 35 prisoners said they themselves had suffered beatings, electric shocks, the 'ice box', a tiny cubicle with temperatures changing from searing heat to freezing cold, immersions in water and sexual abuse'.
ine brisoners sale inal Ine covernment tried to disguise most of the deaths by claiming that the
An estimated 300 people are, at present, without trial - in detention centres near Heathrow Airport. Kept imprisoned by, Securicor bullies', they are the latest victims of the Tories' 1971 Immigration Act.
The fact that many of them possess British passports is irrelevent. They suffer from one major drawback; they are
The 1971 Immigration Act, the most vicious in a long series of such Acts, was specifically designed to curb black
Whereas Labour government's
Draper. and, finally, and kin' such Acts,
they must have
They
Basic Rights After Undoubtedly, enter the country.
this year,
powers they under the 1971 Act.
sub-aloud.
laid
workers.
an illegal immigrant, picked Of course,
this sort.
Southall.
Scapegoats
racial prejudice. aCIs which
Powel. The latter
repatriation', logical catc.
No political party, Labour Party,
being detained -people were a 'problem', successive governments vied with each other in introducing stricter controls. The 1962 Act was followed by the
the 1968 Immigration Act by the present one enacted by Heath in 1971. Clearly,
which have reduced black Commonwealth immigrants to 'aliens' dependent upon • a 'work permit', have their economic advantages. They provide employers with a ready supply of cheap labour for the most menial jobs which car be dismissed at a moment's notice by rerusal to renew ine contracte
such acts have done more to foster racial tension than all ot rowell's speecnes avour 'gutters running with blood'. Their racist bias is not limited to immigration control but permeates the very lives of those few blacks who do manage to gain a work permit to
They reduce them to second-class Cilizens. thrust into dead-end jobs, & denied
the most elementary rights.
When Roy Jenkins' Prevention of Terrorism Act was passed earlier
it was widely seen as a savage inroad into civil liberties. As far as the Home Secretary or police were concerned, little more than the application of
already possessed The licence given to them under this Act is one that assumes civil liberties are confined to whites - blacks being considered a second class
If you are considered 'undesirable'
as the Act specifies, a threat to the 'public good'), you can be taken to a special detention centre near Heathrow and deported over-
You have no right of appeal. What the Home Secretary considers a 'inreal can be clearly seen in ine case of Franco Caprino earlier this
threatened with deportatior simply for trying to unionise fellow
Through a mass campaign, Caprino won the right to stay. Many others have not been so lucky.
If the police suspect you of being
you can be up ott the streets, taken lo the police station and asked to prove you have a 'right' to be in Britain. If you can't prove it at once,
you may well be on your way to aeportation or sent to Pentonville where you may be kept tor monuns wilt 'investigations' are made.
there are a hundred variations on police harassment of
you may me araceed our of your bed at night, picked up in a club or arrested at vour place o Woe fact hat such intimidation is as happened to Abdul Malik. "legally' condoned explains the constant tension and suspicion that surrounds the black communities in places such as Bradford or
Far from being a legal 'oddity!
therefore, the 1971 Immigration Act has become the legal 'cover! for
After all, if it
is accepted that black people can be
denied entry due to their colour -
ane cene basic rents on te same grounds if they do enter - racism has received official appeoval. All the Race Relations Boards in the wore cannot aer unis tact.
It is the racist aspects of such
nave helped create the
climate for demagogues such as
merely seeks. with his calls for 'tighter immig-
ration controls' and for
to carry them to a
including the has been able to
by BOB SWART
own attempts to curb immigration that it is black peopie wno the 'problem'. reduced to an exercise in the 'numbers game'. And, Moore points out, lif numbers! game. then black people already here, and every black
the discussion shifts to questions of deportation'.
Powell is only too aware that the ball is in his court. By carefully playing on the racial prejudice created by such acts in the years ahead, he no doubt hopes to be able to divide and confuse the workers! movement as to the real cause o
cut-backs in social services. fact that the labour movement has not challenged this process of legalised racism - but actually, in the torm or Labour governments: helped promote it - no doubt gives him and his ilk good cause for such Climb-down
Despite the fact that, in 1961, the Labour Party was opposea to any cut-back in Commonwealth immigration, it has increasingly been drawn into the arguement that black people are, in some way. problems. picture or Labour leaders trying le out-compete the Tories in reducing ine numbers or diack immiarants
The sharp shift in attitude was,
due to the startling defeat o Patrick Gordon Walker in 1964 by a meinwick canceale who daoole d strong anti-black immigration policy. Instead of launching a strong antiracist campaign to explain the real issues, ine Labour ledaers. watchful of the polls,
of their opponents.
This led to the Labour government's 1965 White Paper, restricting black immigrants to 8500 a year and to the 1968 Immigration Act which Callaghan defended against Powell by sayıng It nad done more to keep blacks out than any piece of Tory legislation! Such acts were introduced with hardly any opposition witnin ine Labour Farty or trade union movement - or, at least, any
Interview With
Q. Is the Act racially discriminatory?
A.
country.
A.
my knowledge, take up to 5 years. 2. Well, ons he fAst placinge on-patreatses?
Well, in the first place,
emoloyer.
On entry, police who are granted,
sidered a threat to the 'public good'.
rights.
Act.
Well, rid of this Act. It is important.
create The debate has beer
as Robert you play the
is a problem, and
been cone.
ACT
poor housing and
and wages. at the root of social it has led to the gruesome
no
head-on,
even were panicked
movemen which proposed
VISHNU SHARMA
of the Joint Council for the
Welfare of Immigrants
I would go farther than that and say the Act was based on racial
discrimination. It was not, of course, the first but the 'patriality'
clause specifically discriminates against black people. It turns
them into second-class citizens in trying to gain entry into the
How are dependents of people already here affected by the Act?
inese peopie nave to wall over 4 years just to get an
interview - and then they can be turned down! Appealing can, to
'non-patrials' can only come here if they
have obtained a work permit for a specific job with a specific
The work permit is renewed only on a reference by the
employer which means immigrants are very much under their
thumb. I believe this contravenes the ILO convention for workers.
many immigrant workers have to register with the under the Act, wide-ranging powers.
being an illegal immigrant to the station and - on the decision of
4. I think it is essential. Many people are unaware of exactly wh
2. How important do you think a campaign to repeal the Act is can search oremises without a warrent, take anvone suspecte
this Act contains and would be horrified to discover the extent
to which it discriminates against black people and violates basic
The campaign is essential in highlighting these questions
and beginning to draw ever-wider layers into a fight against the
A: Well, persin the do take grade
we in the JCWI would like to co-operate with you in getting however. that the campaign shoulc
not get bogged down in an academic discussion but should unite as
many people as possible on the basis of action. The main task is
payt active opposition.
It is true that certain trade unions such as the T&GWU are on record as being against all forms of racis immigration control. Very little has to translate this verbal opposition nowever over the years. into a real struggle against the 1971
by retusing to challenge sucn taws in a head-on way, the labour leaders have created a situation in which large layers of workers could, in the coming period. fall victim to Powell's demagogy and see blacks not as allies but as a threat to Jobs Repeal the Act It was mainly because of the failure of the labour movement to lead a struggle on inis issue unal ine Campaign to Repeal the Immigration Act (CHIA) was launched last yedi at a 200-strong public meeting. The main aim of the campaign, which has already won support from trades councils, Labour Mrs such as vod! Maynard and immigrant groups, is to build a mass campaign to repeal the 1971 Immigration Act.
The importance of such a campaign lies not only in its attempt to win for black people elementary human rights. It also lies in reaching into the labour movement and tackling,
those prejudices built up over centuries of colonial rule. These prejudices will not go away. Unless they are combatted today, they could form the basis tomorrow: for a right-wing backlash that could seriously divide the worrers
In order to combat such prejudices. it is not enough to campaign aga -s: racism lin general'. Everyone, Harold Wilson to the socialist let: is against racism 'in general'. The task is to mount a campaign agains one of its key forms, the 1971 Ac:, which legally justifies the racism black people suffer in every aspec: of their lives.
They
Page 4 scan of this page
page 4
SOCIALIST ACTION
/ D.MacLeod,1 Pretoria Rd, London SW 16. EDITORIAL For a sliding scale of wages
Commenting on the Labour Party conterence last year, the Guardiar • role that the purpose of the incomes policy lin reducing livina s: andards is no longer questioned'. he tinsel surrounding the £ô limit has, indeed, long gone. eaders did not even try to disguise the burden they are seeking ti mpose on workers. amilies iwill suffer a sharp decrease in their standard of living'. eft', Decline Backing the £6 limit means, in effect, vage cannot increase by more than 10% at a time when prices ar escalating at more than 26% annually. No wonder ASTMS predict a 6% decline in most workers! real disposable incomes before August. in food, electricity, gas, rents and rates bring it home in more Workers do not, concrete terms than any statistics. Massive social service cuts, as money is channelled away from schools and hospitals to 'bail out! ailing firms such as Chrysler, only further erode living standards. Confusion The fact that figures from Healey to the 'traditional' left have come out in favour of such pro-capitalist policies has seriously disoriented the rank-and-file in the labour movement. This was reflected at conterence where, very little real opposition was mounted. It has also seriously disoriented the left who have found themselves
guarding wages against the inflationary spiral. Calls for more rank- unable to champion demands to and-file militancy - made by the International Socialists - are quite nacecuale.
Militancy Militant action to gain flat-rate increases, while important, is no answer to long-term intlationary trends which begin eroding wage increases as soon as they have been won. Continued struggles merely This is partly the reason why there was so little rank-and-file to Istand still' can, over a period of time, opposition to the TUCIs acceptance of the £6 limit. They could see no perspective. to make gains but only leaves weaker ones, confronted with the More than this, government, talling ever more behind. This was one of the ways that
•Vilson managed to get the 2o accepted - by guaranteeing' a tair deal tor weaker unions.
Sliding Scale
What Is needed in the coming period is a campaign that will unite workers - the weaker sectors alongside the stronger - in a common
struggle to defend living standards against permanent erosion by
inflation. The call tor a sliding scale ot wages - automatic comp-
ensation for increases in the cost of living - is a central demand to
be raised in all trade union and Labour Party branches.
Such a demand is not counterposed to struggles for a 'flat-ratel
increase. On the contrary,
escalating cost of living but to gain real increases in purchasing they do occur, power. Its real significance is that it challenges, head-on,
falling living standards. By demanding that there should be
ediate compensation for every point increase in the cost of living,
the labour movement as a whole can be united in a common fight
against the government's pro-capitalist policies.
LSA PAMPHLETS prices include post and packing.
What We Stand FOr 1?p
diverse forms - forward.
The Labour Party-Which Way?
before the 'left!.
•hat has grown up, world-wide, over the past decade.
Abortion-a Woman's Right 17*
The EEC-Does it matter? 12p
-orement.
Labour Figures from Healey to Foot, the 'darling of the
all mounted the rostrum to justify Callaghan's point that British
that the average industrial
of course, need to be told this. Increased charges apart from NUPE's attack against cuts in the NHS,
unite the labour movement in satelead to demoralisation.
militant action on its own may allow stronger unions it ensures that such struggles, when are motivated not merely by the need to chase an
leaders! attempt to make workers bear the brunt of the crisis through the Labour An analysis of the current radicalisation and a strategy for taking it - in all its
27p A marxist evaluation of the Labour Party and the problems it has posed, historically,
Revolutionary Dynamics of Women's Liberation A marxist analysis of the roots of women's oppression and the struggle for liberation
The key nature of abortion rights, in the struggle by women for their liberation, and defence of the mass-action perspective of NAC in winning them.
in analysis of the EEC and the ongoing debate it has provoked within the labour
Already,
women
January.
The government, of the late,
restrictions social services. place, let us recall, of a mass
dignitaries to repeal ine
SPUC's persistence, to safe,
her own right.
this are,
ortions 44P
ABORTI
A KEY ISSUE
Despite the thousands who marched last June - and the resolutions of support since gained from the TUC and Labour Party conferences - women's abortion
James White's Bill may no longer be rights are still under attack. threat but its restrictive proposals are very much in the air.
the recommendations of the Select Committee (set up to examine it) are being implemented by Barbara Castle who congratulated it on its 'very useful work!. This 'useful work' includes curbs on the number of foreign
allowed abortions in this country and what amounts to a decrease (from 24 to 20 weeks) in the time limit on abortions.
More curbs are in the pipeline. In
an 'open votel is being held in the Commons as to whether the Select Cttee should be re-convened.
which has already gone on record as being opposed to the 'abuses! of the 1967 Act, Is not limited to the Select Committee for implementing further restrictions.
It could pass its own legislation or it could be presentea witn anoiner private member's Bill on the lines
lamented White model.
Whatever the precise Torm such
may take, one thing is clear: women's abortion rights have already been curtailed and plans are afoot to curb them further still.
SPUC Pressure The roots of this offensive do not stem - as some suggest - from the government's policy of cutting back
Curbing abortion rights to save a few million on NHS 'out-patient' facilities is not behind this long-term attempt to turn the clock back. These roots have to be seen in the wider context of an ongoing struggle by a mass lobby to roll back the limited rights women have won over ine past periou
Wilson's decision to hold a 'free vote in ine commons on the reconvening of the Select Cttee took
in the shadow SPUC demonstration of over 60, 000 launched by an amalgum of Tory back-benchers and Church
Abortion Act of 1967. It was the climax of an eight-year long campaign.
over the years, in whipping up anti-abortion hysteria is by no means accidental. It stems from their awareness ot the dangers of women winning the right to control their own bodies which has become -throughout the world - symbolic in challenging the shackles of centuries.
They are only too aware that access
legal abortion begins to undermine women's traditional role as 'child-bearer' tied to the home and economically dependent upon the man. It begins to break through the cacoon into which society has thrust her and opens up before her a role as an independent figure in
The implications of as SPUC realises, Tarreaching since it slowly erodes the
role of the family both as an econom-
ic and ideological prop for class
society. At a time of economic crisis,
when the family is needed more than
ever as a 'stabilising' influence, any
threats to it assume dangerous prop-
SOCIALIST ACTUN a direct SPUC's Allies The recent moves by the government to curb the 'abuses! of the 1967 Act represent - in inis sense - a major concession to the mass anti-abortion pressure SPUC has created. This is what lies behind the recommendations of the Select Cttee being implemented with Wilson's blessing and the decision to hold a 'tree vore' re-convening.
In spite of the Labour Party and TUC coming out clearly for free abortion on recuest. the government appears more anxious to satisfy this right-wing lobby than its own base and sees fit to assist this lobby in sending women - particularly working class women -to back-street abortionists again. There can be little doubt that such moves on its part dovetail neatly into its present economic strategy. Restricting abortion rights undermines women's independence and limits them further 'to the home'. The more they are tied to the home, the more easily will the government be able to get away with mass redundancies among women workers and use the family as a 'cushion' against the effects of savage welfare cuts.
While suiting government sirdtegy. nowever, see the roots of this offensive as it would be a misiane lu primarily 'economic'. They are not. They stem from the mass pressure placed on the government by SPUC which has been gathering support over eight years and which has made substantial inroads into the Parliamentary Labour Party itself.
Challenge
It was NAC's ability to recognise the attack upon women's rights posed by SPUC that enabled it to gain mass support so quickly. Apart from a few, small counter-demonstrations by the women's movement, NAC was the first serious attempt to meet the challenge ofSPUC head-on by asserting boldly a woman's right to choose whether or not to terminate her pregnancy.
Within a few months, the campaigr was able to create local groups all over the country and mobilise, June 21st. a mass demonstration which drew over 25,000. This combination of mass action around a clear-cut issue (a woman's right to choose) allowed it to begin to alter
on the question. tne balance or torees
This was most noticably shown ir
recently, to force both the TUC and Labour Party confer-
ences to pass resolutions in support
of a woman's right to abortion on
EAGLE FO
SICIALIST
ACTIDN
Page 5 scan of this page
JANUARY 76
N:
recuest. This was a significant
victory and, although the resolutions
are still on paper. poses the poss-
ibility of building a mass campaign
rooted in the labour movement and
ready to challenge any government
back-down under SPUC pressure.
Unfortunately, in spite of these
possibilitles opening up,
recently allowed the initiative to
slip between its fingers and the ball
is once again back in the anti-
abortionists' court.
most dramatically last October when
SPUC managed to mobilise 60, 000
on the streets while NAC was unable
to make any response, thus giving
Wilson a free hand to propose a
¡free vote! on the re-convening of
the Select Committee.
NHS Cuts
Ine reason tor inis paralysis,
a time when the anti-abortionists
were stepoing up ineir pressure, Is
due to the inability of certain left
grasp the dynamic of the present
situation.
For many months now,
attempted to turn NAC from a mass
campaign over women's rights - the
right to choose - into one opposina
the 'cuts' in the NHS. As early as
last June, Berry Beaumont (leading
IMG spokesperson in NAC) was
such campaigns (as MCAPP) can
supporters ot tree abortion on dem-
and have a real prospect of success!.
No-one
cuts in abortion facilities on the NHS
is important. What the IMG cannot
However is that there is no
much point campaigning against cuts
in the NHS to achieve better abortion
facilities if women are not allowed
Lo use inen because or lecal rest-
rictions. It is the struggle to win
anv restrictive laws first of al!
inal is ine main task tacing NAW al
It is the IMG's inability to grasp this, attempting to turn , NAC into a subsidiary of MCAPP,
Dinar nas ed to NAC's paralysis over the past 6 months. Once the focal point of the campaign becomes a struggle against the cuts, then mobilising mass action against the government around the Tient to choose becomes unimoortant besides iocal. Traemented act!vities around stas
This is why, despite the fact it was obvious last June that SPUC were preparing a mass rally to intluence government ininking on ine select Committee, the IMG has constantly opposed a mass aemonstration. fought the LSA's proposals, Steering Cttee,
for a demonstratior in November and, later, ional Conference,
tought against a similar action in December
nass rallies were being held worldwide on abortion at ine time,
The fruit of the IMG's 'stalling
was simply that It allowed the anti-abortionists to seize the initlative ana, robbing Nal or any focal point for six months, it to lose much of the support it had built up.
Perspective
Despite this set-back,
nowever, NAC has serious possibilities for
To take advantage of them crowin. - Darticularly une avenues openine up in the labour movement - NAC needs a clear perspective of where it is going.
The tirst task is to combat attempts to 'dissolve' NAC general campaign 'against the cuts'. Any attempt to link NAC with other issues. at this stage. Oniy DIurs over the real issues involved and limits its appeal to wide lavers who may support the right to choose but who are not ready to support a variety or oiner issues.
The second task is to centralise ine campaign - inereby giving a real focal point to local activities - by Durate seriously Tor Ine onstration called for April 3rd. focus of such a demonstration car be a source of discussion within NAC depending. as it will. whether the Select Committee is re-conveneu or not luis varuary. The possibility for building NAC into a mass-action campaign, able to challenge any attempts to put the Clock Daun. dit ctota.. i hey have only to be tapped.
INAL nas
This was shown the IMG has
Q. Are still a threat?
Well,
the attempt of the 1967 Act.
Is imprementing.
eroded. reconvened. hysteria,
on the
at the Nat-
said,
though opposed to it.
The PTA is
in Britain, to support their rights,
caused
'grilling' by the police.
Victimisation
Certainly,
into a
the Act became law.
For that is, encouraging it!.
as terrorist bombers
Mass aem- to detain people
The trial tor up to y days. Spearhead
Sabina Roberts, LSA representative on the NAC Steering Citee.
"Only mass action can
show the government
that we will not tol-
erate any restrictions
to our abortion rights"
abortion restrictions
the most immediate danger
is ooviously ine seleci committee.
The Select Committee was set uf
to tighten up the labuses! swas net
and it has already come out with
restricive proposals ine government
This means women's
abortion rignis nave already been
If the Select Committee is ineretore, witnin the
same terms of reference, it is bound
to come us wiin even more resiricive
proposals. Certainly, the Committee
itself has made it clear that it wishes
to continue studying the White Bill so
that it can 'report without delay'.
Labour and
DEMOCRATIC RIGHTS
Accompanied by a wave of anti-Irish
Jenkins rammed the Prevention of Terrorism Act through Parliament in 1974 after only seven hours' debate. He did not even bother with a vote as only two Labour MPs
at the time. that they were
La sympton of the deep inroads against democratic rights being made by the Labour government. blatantly warns all Irish people living
ana anyone else who dares that opposition to imperialist oppression in ireland is punisnabie py deportation. imprison-
financial hardship or a week's
the Act's undemocratic nature is far-reaching. It gives the Home Secretary the power to deport any citizen of Northern Ireland who has not been resident in Britain for at least 20 years without charges or a trial. The figures released for last October show that 69 people have been issed with lexclusion orders! since
It further allows the home secretary to ban any organisation that appears to him to be 'concerned with terrorism'
supposedly, 'promoting or since terrorism is vaguely defined as 'the use of violence for political ends', it could just as easily be used against strike pickets
In addition, the PlA allows the police
without Only 44 of the 946 persons detained so far have had any charges lald against inem. purpose of this is clearly to allow the police to use 'blanket arresis' ana interrogations to intimidate the Irish
The PTA is not the only measure
Q. Do you think SPUC's demo
last October influenced MPs? We have to realise that the SPUC demo was not a one-off effort but
part of a long-term campaign. SPUC
have been mobilising on the streets
Never since 1967 to get the Abortion Act repealed. ceasing in their pressure upon MPs and, in the absence of any visible alternative until last year, theyive
been able to claim that majority
opinion is on their side. The 60, 000
strong demo a few months back will certainly reinforce their arguements.
Even it ine select Citee is not re-
convened, which seems unlikely, we
can be sure inal stu will continue
with their campaign to restrict ab-
ortion rignis.
Q. What should be NAC's main
thrust in the next period?
We must first recognise that lack
of a national tocus over the past o
months or so has taken its toll.
has dissipated the forces of NAC -
in purely local activities - and
allowed SPUC to regain the init-
¡ative. If we are now going to pull
NAC out of its 'lethargy!,
begin building seriously for the
mass demonstration called for
April 3rd by the National Planning
Meeting. Only mass action of this
kind can show the government that
women in this country will not
tolerate any restrictions to their
abortion rights.
Q. Why do you think NAC let
the initiative pass away?
Well, the LSA argued in local
NAu groups and at the
Committee since last July that it
was necessary to centralise the
campaign around a national focus
to combat any anti-abortion moves.
One of the forces most violently
opposed to any national demon-
stration has been the IMG. They
argued against a demonstration
last November - when it was well
known SPUC were organising a
mass rally - and even opposed,
ine steering Committee
for a mass demo in late March or
early Apri later overwnelmingly
accepted by the National Planning
Meeting. being used to stem opposition to the government's oppressive policies in Northern Ireland. It has been backed up by frame-up trials against 'bombers! and by charges, under the Incitement and Disaffection Act, against BWNIC members whose 'crime! was handing out leaflets to British soldiers containing Intormation tor inose wno wished to leave the army.
While such measures are primarily being used, community and prevent a mass movement building up challenging government Intervention in orinern Ireland, ultimate aim is much broader. the first steps in eroding the democratic rights of all working people since they
cut cas. unionists and militants in Britain.
Already, some Irish trade unionists have been deported in circumstances that indicate their role as militant workers was the main factor in provoking the government's move not their connection with any form of "terrorist activity. Prejudices The government has been able to ram through laws such as this, 1971 Immigration Act, workers' anti-lrish or prejudices. It has thereby been able to create a climate where it will be much easier, in the period ahead, act directly against those rights it has laken ine labour movement centuries to build up.
A direct attack is, ever made upon the right to picket. forced by mass pressure to repeal the Tories! Industrial Relations Act, labour leaders have not released Des Warren, imprisoned in December 1973 for 'conspiracy to intimidate! during the 1972 building workers' strike. The refusal to release Warren fits in with their refusal to alter the present picketing laws whereby it is illegal for pickets to stop a truck approaching a strike-bound factory for the purpose of
WATERVIEW SABINA ROBERTS
They have been unwe must Steering literally, on our call at present, to cow the Irish
their They are
∞e exienced• lo trace
and
and 'squatting'.
For the by playing upon
to labour
now, being While offensive.
action campaigns,
Such campaigns,
page
Q. What were IMG's reasons?
I think the main reason the IMG has opposed such actions is simply that they are against Isingle-issue campaigns and have been trying, for some time now, to dissolve NAC into a struggle at local level agains: cuts in the NHS.
Q. How should NAC orient to
the labour movement?
Both the TUC and Labour Party conferences recently came out in support of a woman's right to abortion on recuest. make it easier to gain support TOr NAL activities such as ine April 3rd demo. We should also call upon the labour movement to demand the government implement those decisions democratically reached at conference. Up to now the government, while in favour of curbing 'abuses', has tried to get or ine nook Dy treating abortion as a moral issue up to the inalvica conscience We need to put them on the spot. Loca Labour Party wards should inform their MPs that they are expected to abide by conference decisions and, if not, that the action taken by the Newham CLP is not limited to Newham!
Q. Is there a real potential
for building NAC today?
If you look back over NAC's short history, it has probably been one of the most successful campaigns Dult lo dales witnin two monins. it managed to mobilise over 25.000 on the streets. success was due to the fact tha I look vo a redi concrete Issu of women's rights and fought for • wordiy on une streets. We neec to learn from this and, with the avenues or support opening up in the labour movement, I have every confidence we can ao for. ward and build a mass movement in the coming period. it is only by bringing masses out into the streets that we can stor the government in its tracks from sending thousands of women back to back-street abortions.
Roy Jenkins - introduced the Prevention of Terrorism Act.
peacefully persuading the driver not to cross the picket line.
Further curbs may be in the pipeline if the government decides to accept the reconcuddlions or ine raw commissior in a working paper last June. These proposdis - inal lrespass and remaining on property after being asked to leave should become a criminal offence - art clearly designed to arm the state agains: tactory occupations. student silens
Mass Action
It is clear that the deepening economic crisis will accelerate this attack upor democratic rights. ine prececent nas already been set in the inability of the
• movemeni to date to tight th violation of the basic rights of minorities. such as the Irish or black communities, failing to grasp the implications for all workers contained within such an
The most effective way to offset any turiner attacks is to begin now to sir -93 against those violations that exist.
such as tnat wr..c CRIA* is attempting to build, up concrete examples of such viole: ="=.
demanding tha: " _abour leaders tignt to repea acts infringing basic rights, best way or Dealine back ne di the present government.
Page 6 scan of this page
EDUCATION
Oversized classes. old buildings,
"or education in ine perloo anead,
Despite the call by the Labour Party conference to reduce classes to a maximum of 15 by 1980. Crosland has recently sent a circular to all local authorities freezing social expenditure. Such a move, at a time of rapidly rising inflation, drastic cuts in all directions.
The 5000 unemployed teachers will grow to 15000, it is estimated, by :his time next year. Class sizes will climb upwards. Building programmes will grind to a halt and many school leavers, returning due to poor job prospects, will face inadequate material resources.
In face of such attacks, the leaders ot ine Nul - ine largest union representing 200, 000 members virtually no answer• Allnougn tormany opposing the cuts, as indeed has the
the most they nave concretely done to combat them is to call upon teachers, in highly 'selectivel circumstances, not to cover for absent members.
Their policy can best be summed up in the words of Fred Jarvis (NUT General Secretary) that Ithe union is not looking for a fight!.
Changing Times
As the cuts begin to bite, however, it is unlikely that the Executive will be able to get away with its policy of inactivity. The situation has changed drastically from the early sixties when a gradual increase in the proportion of the national income devoted io education meant expanding jobs, promotion opportunities and better working conditions.
The situation of an expanding educarion service, which served oniv to reinforce the traditions deep within • the NUT of co-operation with the
of public relations cam•ans ana conterences ces cneo to influence 'top people', are quickly • saopearing.
This was already true in the late sixties with the gradual depression of teachers! wages. For many years, ihe relative earning power of teachers had declined since education is labour intensive and 'speed-up'
and productivity deals (used to reduce labour costs in industry) were not possible n the schools.
This trend eventually gave rise to ine 1969-70 strikes as it began to be recognised that advances onger be won by depending on years
economic expansion but only by collective effort.
This is not to deny that 'professionalismi is still not strong among older members who still seek to prevent
political content - on the grounds nal il conravenes une cims or ine
It is merely to suggest that
STRANGE
FRIENDS
The Chilean military junta, increasingly isolated and beleaguered at home and abroad, nas recently found a hand of friendship extended it.
Commondant Gaston Frez, nead of Codelco, the Chilean State Copper Corporation, announced last week that China would increase its imports ot Chilean copper from 8, 000 *ons in 1975 to 34. 000 tons in 1976. unind. it seems, has maintained diplomatic relations with he Pinochet regime since the coup d'etat in 1913.
Peking's moves towards Chile come at a moment ot extremely strained relations between Genera noche de ne roman Catholic Church at home, and
the United States Secretary of State, Dr *iss neer. about to dump ine junta as a 'troublesome & embaressing liability', as the Observer put it.
So this is what they mean by 'peaceful co-existence'.
FIGHT THE CUTS PETW
inadeauate facilities and teacher -remployment - this is the meaning of the Labour government's policies will mean
the late sixties. in particular,
"role! - have
Group the mounting union to the in 1969,
standards.
fresh wage claim, Executive,
could no
attitudes.
The employers, recent noucnton awardi i nrocen
Victimisation
One Nueadens.
them, as well,
teachers for
ones,
politics ever since.
an appreciation of trade-unionism has spread to a wider layer of the
Militant Action
This changing attitude - which has found a general reflection in the growth of white-collar unionism -has been reinforced by the entry into teaching of a new generation influenced by the student radicalisation of
The new generation, was not hampered by "professionall attitudes and was prepared to question traditional educational values and the teacheris
Many of these newer members were to found the Rank and File teachers
which grew in strenath because of the failure of the lold left' (mainly Labour and Communist Party supporters) to mobilise the membership against the Executivels inability to fight worsening living standards.
The impact of the vounger teacherc could be seen most dramatically in
Executivels acceptance, acreement that would have further hit living
Having optained packing from the Annual Conference for a
they torced the the following winter, to bring out over half the union's members in some torm ot strike action,
Since the NUT had not engaged in any strike since the early twenties - and since the struggle resulted in the biggest increase many teachers Leove
Politics
out of
Schoo
Inspect INSPEC the MANAGERS the
MANAGERS
not the NOT
TEACHERS
Me had ever seen - this was of profound significance in indicating changing
Counter-attack
sensing the dangers of a new generation of young teachers ready to take militant action, counterattacked the following year by moving against the basic salary scale which had - hitherto - formed the major element in the salary of all teachers.
A system ot separate scales was imposed through the compulsory arbitration process written into the Teachers! Renumeration Act, with increased differentials for those at the top of the school hierarchy. The
which gave increases of over £2000 to head teachers our only arou ous to inose at the bottom of the scales, consolraarea inis new structure Its aim was self-evident. carerully des onea to convince most teachers that the solution to their
promotion rather than in collective it particularly aimed at splitting the union ane segregating ine young militants from older teachers.
who had at first opposed the idea of separate scales, qui y accomodated to Ii, it ottered
the possibility of conso laaling support among older
their collaborationist policies and isolatina the vounder
many of whom were supporters of Rank and File which continued to struggle against the separate
This conflict has dominated NUT
The Young Teachers' organisation within the
Dave Picton stood as Vice-Presidential candidate of the NUT last year.
union was wound up decause it supported Rank and File and new rules, wien namstrune local oranenes ou the union more tightly than Heath's inaustria merations Act, were pushed through.
even the 'orthodox! left in the union joined in the hysteria. A recent issue of the union journal IThe Teacher! featured an article by CP Max Morris which employed the same red Ismear' tactics against Rank and *le inai ine national press nas used against the Communist Party recenty in ine Acuw elections
The union leadership is, right to fear the young militants of Rank and File. the latter represents at present -I nas made mistakes and has showr certain sectarian tendencies - but because it continues to act as the focus for those who wish to hammer oul an alternative to ine collaborat» ionist policies of the NUT leaders. Future
This will become doubly true in the coming period when the objective conditions wnich nave strengthenec right-wing attitudes among teachers disappear ever more rapidly. era of expansion is drawing fast to a close and teachers. other industries, will be faced with growing unemployment, ing conditions and the beginning of an lideological backlash! in educational thinking.
If no coherent alternative is provided
Hanis
Off
lo ine policies ot the present leaders such a situation could lead to further division and demoralisation. Mank and File could begin to fill the gap by building opposition around al clear programme of action to defenc teachers! jobs, salaries & working conaltions
One of the main thrusts of such a tendencv must be to fiaht for the Executive to launch a real struggle acans acrs walca coulen ine future, be linked with that of other trade unionisis in ine public sector. ILTA has already given a lead in this bv calling for a recall of the SE Region TUC Conference against the culs.
One of the major demands stemming from this should be authorities be made to lopen their books! and reveal tor education and tor ine oiner public services.
Demands should also centre around key issues facing teachers in the schools, such as unemployment and inflation. Opposition should be mounted against redundancies, the compulsory transfer of teachers and tor smauer casses which wii create more jobs for students soon to compiele ineir teacher training. Inevitably, in an era of galloping inflation, wages becomes a central issue. Large flat-rate increases, with automatic protection against rises in the cost of living, a key demand. At ine same time, a common basic scale and reduced aitterentials is ine essence or ine wage structure that can further unite teachers.
It is by building opposition around such cemanes ones such as those ending discrim-
growing number of teachers can be involved in struggle.
THE
to death. course.
of course,
Not so much for what
Pledges
The
ke workers in
worse work.
John Sturrock (Report)
whereby many and trains,
that the local
their plans both trend.
must be particular,
expenditure.
community.
SOCIALIST ACTION
TRANSPORT:
AXEMAN
COMETH
by A.F
When Labour took office in 1974, they did so on a clear pledge to rebuild a public transport axed almost
The Manitesto promises were none too soon. Previous gov-
trying to run transpor as a profitable concern and not as a public service, had implemented a spiralling round of fare increases, staff redundancies and service cuts.
Such a policy, creating chronic road congestion as passengers 'deserted' to cars in droves, , has not, of
led to 'solvency'. A DOE survey (after the 1958 Beeching cuts) pointed out that no transport system could be protitable and that 'cuts ol 20-30% would leave British Rail losing even more money'
Despite the truth of this predication,
to ever more cuts in road and rail services. lurnine oublic iransoort into a shadow of its former self.
Despite ine manitesto promises Labour's brief spell in office is accelerating this trend. Crosland's transport policy seems summed up in the Iriaht of every person to owr a car'. The true meaning of such a policy is glaringly revealed in the break-down of local authorities' transport grants which allocates only 26% to 'public transport!.
Such a policy, that will force local authorities to turther axe services already on their last legs, is doubly stringent wnen it is realised inat. in line with general cut-backs in social expenditure, transport grants are being reduced this year from *lyim io a mere drom. ne situation
rural areas are fast •eine cesetec or anv oublic iransaor! at all will become widespread.
Crosland has even gone so far as to threaten withdrawing the grant from local authorities - such as the west mialands - wno retuse lo pa) their way! by introducing further cuts and fare increases.
Worsening The fare increases and service cuts Crosland's policy calls for - on a more drastic scale than in ine past -will not ensure 'solvency!. It will only drive more passengers off the buses
decreasing revenue and preparing the ground for ever more savage inroads into public transport. ne vicious circie wiii continue. This is the history of London Trans•or over une bast lei years or su where deteriorating services and rapid fare increases have resulted in a drop in the numbers of passengers carried by just over 20% Worsening transport services will
thus adding to a record road congestion. It also penalises those who are least able to find alternative transport: those on low incomes, the aged, sick and mothers with voune chilaner
Already it is estimated that 50% of all users or britisn hall are in tne top 20% incomes' bracket. Further increases will only deepen such a
Stop the Cuts
The present Labour government was not elected to pursue Crosland's proTory policies of making transport 'pay its way!. It was elected to reverse ine suicidal irena or the past years which has meant redundancies for Iransoont workers ano deterioralinc living standards for millions. Labour must be held to its promises If the transport unions were to lead a head-on struggle against the cuts -in defence of their members' jobs -they would find a broad response in the labour movement. They could, Ir
find common cause with other public sector workers who are also effected by cut-backs in social
Such a struggle could be the first step in demanding inal Labour implement a nationally co-ordinated transport plan dasea not on tne mytr of profitability but upon serving the
Page 7 scan of this page
JANUARY 76
ANGOLA:
VORSTER'S AIM
While the South African government has admitted carrying out operations against SWAPO guerrillas in South Angola, it has repeatedly denied that
its troops are involved in the fighting between the three rival nationalist groups - the MPLA, UNI I A and the
-NLA.
As late as November 4sra, toreign Minister Hilgard Muller stated that soul Atrica does not intena getting involved in the civil war in Angolal.
For course, South African troops had already entered the country and begun tignting ine Moscow-Dacked MPLA before the Portuguese army had been withdrawn and independence granted.
Since the last week in October, particular, the MPLA has lost a num-
in central and southern Angola. troops were driven back by a heavily armed military column composed of South African troops and units from the FNLA and UNITA. The military column swept hundreds of miles through Angola, taking in rapid succ-
ession Sa da Bandeira, Mocamedes, Benguela, Lobito and Novo Redmondo.
Vorster's aim
The South African invasion is not, it might appear on the surface. sistent with its recent 'detentel line towards neighbouring black states but is, on the contrary, designed to promote it.
South African Prime Minister Vorster has calculated that intervention by his army at this stage can tip the balance in favour of those political forces who are firmiv committed to collaboration with South Africa. UNITA's strong pro-detente "ne, tor example, nas been spelt out on numerous occasions in interviews granted witn toreign Journalists.
in an interview witn Ine Luanda publication Portuguese Africa, UNITA'S leader Jonas Savimbi states on April 28th that '.. economic co-operation with South Africa is only realism nowever much we may be opposea lo
U.S.
INTERVENE
South Africa is not alone in its intervention in Angola.
Fi ne crows are gathering. US Imperialism, obviously fearing the consequences of an MPLA victory,
has begun le step up arms shipments & publiciv endorse South Africa's 'stand' against Moscow.
Over the past 3 months, the US has already supplied $25m worth of equipment and, according to the
Nethe pike Times That such ad will
anolner boom is in the pipeline. increase nas already been indicated by Kissinger who pointed out the us 'will try to prevent one party, by means of massive introduction of outside equipment, from achieving dominance!.
Kissinger obviously fears that an MPLA victory could increase the bargaining power of Moscow vis-a-vis vasancion within the terme of the 'detentel. While Kissinger's policy is not unanimously accepted in US ruling circles - many fearing the consequences of a serious commitment in Angola - the parallel with Vietnam is only too obvious. The arguement that if Angola 'falls' to the Communists it would knock down 'dominoes the lenath and breadth of Atrica is niahiv remin. iscent of that used to justify intervention in Vietnam. Already, besides military aid, the CIA is busy alding the FNLA, headed by Holden Roberto. The danger signals
the inhumanity and injustice of apar-
One May no ssue went on to say that Dr Savimbi did not believe, in ine present sournern African context, that armed liberation wars were necessarily ine solution tor Ine proplems of Namibia and Zimbabwel.
Prime Minister Vorster must have welcomed the virtues of a tree enterprise economy. In the same interview, tavoured a state that would 'leave as much as possible of the economy to private enterprise and went on to welcome lany source of foreign investment'
Moscow
This is not to suggest that the policies of the FNLA or UNITA, Their have been prepared to collaborate with South African forces against the rival nationalist group MPLA necessarily more pro-capitalist than the latteris.
Certainly, eacers clearly admitted that they intend pursuing a 'non-aligned' course and, despite demagogic denouncements of "Tascisis' and 'puppets or internalona imperialism', have guaranteed private property 'including that of foreigners as so long as it benefits the economy of Incon" the country...'.
South African leaders, probably consider the MPLA to be a less reliable tool than the other two groups in sareguarding ineir economic interests. They possibly fear that Mr LA leaders may be torcea inic adopting certain radical anti-imperialist stances by the radical aspirations of their own supporters in the Luanda
A more important consideration may be South Africals desire to prevent the Soviet Union, MPLA. from qaining strong political influence in a country bordering on souln Arrican-occupied Ivamiblaz Although Moscow's aim in its support for the MPLA is not to encourage a struggle against capitalism, a pro-Soviet government could give it a useful bargaining power in its deals with the West.
Angola's vast deposits of oil and minerals would make it a particularly powerful bargaining counter for more favourable terms with the West within the framework of "detente!.
Detente
South Africa certainly knew that its dispatch of troops to Angola would meet with little response trom the neo-colonial African states and the OAU (Organisation for African Unity). MPLA president, has charged recently that Imost African states are betraying us by remaining silent in such a situation..'.
neighbouring black states into diplomalic and Irade inks py injecting massive financial aid into them - is bearing Truit. true of Zambia which has played a kev role in promotina idetentel with South Africa and has issued no protest al all al ine invasion o Angola. naunda, policies as the ivoice of reasons, probabiv out to woo UNITA to which he has transmitted a large amount of materla subolles. the opening of the strategic Benguela railway (now controlled by UNITA except in the extreme north-east) which has been used in the past to export over 45% of Zambia's annual copper production of around 700, 000 tons.
By refusiną to condemn Vorsteris military intervention in Angola, nationalist groups such as UNITA -and their backers such as Kaunda -are seriously endangering the struggle for independence. Although that intervention is at present directed against the MPLA, it threatens the gains of the entire nationalist movement.
The South African involvement could, moreover, text for further intervention by the imperialist powers as they jockey
ry. Already, the United States is
its military support for sieboing u. the anti-MPLA forces.
Labours role
South Africals Ivanliatel nolicy
ment.
and trade.
A. SCOTT
also Savimbi's espousal of
Savimbi which
are
of the MPLA have
however, Last year,
which backs the
course,
undancies,
massive subsidies.
Chrysler's Times),
was forthcoming.
of little or no concern.
Redundancies Agostinho Neto
firing line. ns is particulariv
Block,
plant.
who has described Vorsterls
His aim is to get
again. both smaller company,
conditions.
last year,
serve as a pre-
Responsibility mineral-rich count-
Such a policy,
its starting point,
depends upon two major planks: the
amount of capital it can inject into the neighbouring states and a strong military presence to act as a deterrent against any liberation move-
Britain plays a major role in this strategy with its supply of arms
Despite the election of a Labour
this aid continues unabated. The South African government continues to receive spare
CHRYSLER
NATIONALISE NOW P. Brain.
after meeting Chrysler's chief executive, Wilson hinted that hiccardo was pointing a gun at my head!. The 'gunt referred to was, of
nryster's inreat to snut up shop in Britain, causing mass red-
unless the government was prepared to ransom it through
threat has born fruit. l nas recentiv been announced inal figures in the region of £162m, more inan ine company's worla-wide losses last year, have been agreed.
With sales dwindling to a mere 6.8% of the British car market, which is itself expected to shrink in the coming period from 1.2 to just over 1m car sales (according to the Financial
Chrysler was obviously prepared to cut and run unless ald
The fact that over 25, 000 jobs were at stake, not to mention the thousands more in componant firms, was obviously
It was also of little concern to ine Labour government. Certainly, the main meat of those Isecret meetings with Ricardo has not been how to protect inose jops al present in ine
It could have done that by giving Chrysler its marching orders and taking over the company
stock and barrel as demanded by the 6, 000 workers of the Linwood
On the contrary, the main debate has been how, granting subsidies, it can put over to the Chrysler workforce ine arde-scae recuncancies. „soeedup and rationalisation that will have to occur to make ine tirm viabie'
Any difference that has occured between Varley and Riccard has essentially been a difference over what is the best path to take ir Istreamlining' the company at the expence of thousands of Jobs which will not lead to mass occupations. No doubt the government hopes that, by appearing as the Isaviourt of a
it will be able to appeal to the workforce to play their part in accepting limited redundancies and cut-backs in working
The Chrysler workers are in tor essentially ine same treatment as British Leyland where,
massive subsidies of over £1000m were dependent upon redundancies of over 20, 000 men.
which accents the 'viability! of private enterprise as
the government. It is also the trademark of union leaders such as Jack vones wno nave made no allemol lo force Wilson to nationalise Chrysler.
parts for military equipment and io enjoy joint trading schemes betwee British and South African personel.
one or ine mosi concrete ways !. which British socialists can help the independence struggle in Ancold - besides demanding the withdrawa! of all imperialist forces - is to demar= that the Labour government end all economic and military support for the Vorster regime.
Chris Davies (Repor:
seen their main role as pressurising Ine covernment to crant alarge enough subsidy to keep the Chrysler flag flying in Britain.
Such a policy will prove disastrous in the fight for jobs that will grow i the coming period. Suggesting that abour nas a vested interest in oreserving the Iviability! of private enterprise suggests, that it has a partial responsibility fo"Is survival.
To begin to admit 'responsibility! icthe problems of Chrysler - or any private industry - leads inevitably to accepting the need for cut-backs in wages, working conditions and even manning levels to make the fir.viable. It leads to accepting redundancies and a 'fragmentation' of the workforce as unity crumbles and workers compete with each other to retain their positions.
Chrysler workers, by refusing to fall for the government's proposals which throw 9000 men on the dole could help now to spearhead a mass campaion tor une rignt to work The case should be taken up in the broac labour movement - popularising the demands of worksharing, opening tre books and nationalisation under workers' control - as part of a real struggle against the government which is, at present, , more responsable to Ibig business' than to its social base.
Alternative
Any responsibility the Chrysler workers should feel should not be towards a company which is prepared to throw 9, 000 on the dole queues but to fellow workers in protecting jobs. stewards trom the Linwood plant, Scotland, seem only too aware of this and have called for mass occupations if redundancies are carried through. This call should be supported throughout the Chrysler plants. It should be made clear that no redundancies are acceptable and that the amount of work should be shared out among the existing work force. If management arque that it is financially impossible to keep oresent manning levers. workers' representatives should have access to the company's books to gain ar accurate picture of its accounts (plans tor investment, sales etc). It is possible, of course, that as happened at the Cowley plant o British Leyland, the company will be prepared to 'open the books! to 'provel their case for large-scale redundancies. If, as seems clear. Chrysler is unable to handle its own affairs without causing widespread social havoc in the lives o working people, this will only turiner pack up ine Linwood sie:. ards! demand for it to be naiio-a sea witnul compensatio!.
Page 8 scan of this page
WITHDRAW THE TROOPS!
SOCIALIST ACTION
IRELAND
The decision by the United Ulster unionist Council fuuuu, lasi october io reject any 'power sharing' came as a clear slap in ine tace for ine policies of Mervyn Rees. It marked "ne colanse or ver anoiner stace i :he British: government's attempt to Istabilisel the situation in the Six countles.
Preparations for 'power sharing' had been carefully laid. draw the nationalist community behind the SDLP who had long been seeking collaboration with Unionist Torces, certain concessions welc called for. The phasing out of internment, earlier release for political prisoners and the 'truce' with the Provisionals were all clearly designed to isolate the IRA by showing that reforms were possible.
Such a policy was greatly facilitated by the bitter feud which, recently, nad torn ine republican movement apart. This feud, to 10 dead and over 45 seriously injured, helped demoralise the beleaguerea namonalist areds them sceptical about the ability of the InA to detena Inem trom tre security forces and offensive by the Loyalist para-military groups.
It boosted the 'alternativel of collaboration offered by the SDLP leaders.
Reaction
The 'concessions' involved in Rees' policy were expressly designed to isolate the IRA and prepare the ground for a coalition government able to re-establish 'law and order!. the same time as carrots were being dangled, the RUC was being built up and was beginning to intiltrate ine Ino go' areas where, due to nepub-
resistence was considerably lessened.
Even these minor concessions were,
too much tor the unionist block to stomach. Apart from Craig, they were viewed as an attempi to undermine Loyalist supremecy summed up in raisiey's woras I just prior to the May elections for the convention/ as no power-snaring no Irish dimension and the return of the B-specials'.
The escalation in sectarian murders by the Loyalist para-military groups such as the UVF clear warning to Rees that a 'soft' ne would not be toleraleus formal rejection of 'power-sharing' by the UUUC in its convention report was merely an expression of this confident mood.
IContident because ine Loyallsis were no doubt aware that Rees would be unable to challenge them head-on without, at the same time, challenging the very existence of the Six Counties which the government is in there to uphold.
Differences
The differences that have emerged between Rees and figures such as Palsley are not, of course.
They represent merely a clash on
the most effective way of crushing
the nationalist upsurge and re-
imoosing the status quo within ine
Six Counties. Tactically, however,
thev are a serious set-back lu
British government policy.
The Rees initiative was a caretu
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Dave MacLeod
66
In order to
Isuic.
until
leading ions,
and crushed. and make
Rees' lines,
forces
tough'.
continue in ine montis
At
IRA.
Order In making Unionists,
in 1969. ou vears.
which is torced. basic.
Six Counties.
recently,
community.
head-on without
hold.
example of this.
•rivileges.
Troops Out
situation.
The British left has fallen into one of three camps. They either have taken the position that there are excesses within the British army; or they move to critical support of the Irish struggle; or they move to a position of victory to then IRA with a complete lack of understanding as to the reality of the situation. And I think it can be said that the British left's attitude to Ireland has been opportun-
Having worked with 15 and the IMG the objective test is to ask whether either organisation has succeeded in making, attempt to woo the minority in the ghettoes, through minimal concess-
into a sham 'power-sharing' so that the IRA could be isolated
The wude, with the notable exception of Craig who has become converted to a formula along
are pushing firmly for a confrontation with nationalist
This is the meaning of Paisley's call to the army to 'get
The debate within the unionist block is obviously not finished and will
ahead. Craig's position of a sham coalition (granting a few token seats to SDLP leaders in a future cabinet) has already gain-
It is obviously supported as the 'voice of reason'
Westminster who tear ine policies of the hard-liners could push the minority back into the arms of the
While supporting Craig, and noping that time will allow him to convince the majority of the UUUC of the need for a more 'sensitivel approach, Rees has meantime been torced to make concessions to hard-line opinion to ward off a potential backlash. The 'incident' centres (a means of communication with the Provisionals during the truce) have been closed, the right to political status by republican prisoners wiinarawn and narassmen of the nationalist areas stepped up.
concessions to nara-iine Rees is, ot course. merely treading the well-worn track of his predecessors trom whiteraw pack to Callaghan who introduced the troops
Rees may talk about wishing to restore lorder! but the order that he and his predecessors have tried to restore is that based on the bigotry and privileges of the Loyalist state which has discriminated against the nationalist minority for over
This has inevitably turned the army into the main repressive torce against the nationalist community
by the very nature of its struggle for democratic rights, to challenge the status quo in the
The constant arrests, murder and torture - and.
open collaboration of the army with Loyalist para-military groups - has burnt this indelibly on the minds of the nationallst
It has also burnt it on the minds of the unionist block which is only too aware that tne britisn government will not challenge inell allies
undermining the
status quo they are there to up-
The back-down of Wilson betore the uster workers strike
in March last year was a concrete
Such knowledge obviously gives
the Unionists increased contidence
in pressing to defend their caste
In this sense, the presence of the
British army in the Six Counties
has always been the lynchpin to the
by acuing as ine mall
repressive force against the struggle
by the minority for their democratic
rights, it constantly encourages the
Unionist block to ever more sectaridi
positions and threatens the possibility
of a right-wing back-lash.
The fact that it is the British army
in any section of the British working class, a contribution to any understanding of the Irish problem. The answer is that they 39
Bernadette Mc Aliskey
places a heavy responsibility on the shoulders or Britisn socialisis. it means that by championing the right of the Irish people to determine their own future - concretised in the demand for the withdrawal of British troops - they can seriously contribute to the outcome of the struggle. Building a mass campaign calling for the immediate withdrawal of the British army would have a major morale of the army and give renewed impacte It would help undermine the courage to the oppressed minority
more recently, increasing demoralisation and lack of perspective.
Such a campaign should set itselt the task of forcing the government to withdraw the troops - or of bringing it down - as did the mass anti-Vietnam war movement in the USA. Responsibility It is a major condemnation of the British left that, entry of British troops onto the streets of Derry and Belfast, still exists no mass campaign calling for their withdrawal.
The failure of the left to unite in building such a movement is not only an example of their failure to give concrete aid to an fighting for its rights. failure to grasp the self-evident fact that this struggle has a direct effect upon the class struggle in Britain itself.
It should not have to be pointed out that the repressive laws against the minority are made and enacted by Westminster. direct threat to the civil liberties of the British people as Roy Jenkins! Anti-Terrorist Act proves. campaign in defence of the right of the Irish people to determine their own tuture Is, in this sense, an integral part of detending democratic rights in Britain.
It is true that such a campaign will have to confront the decades of anti-Irish propaganda deeply rooted in the labour movement. cannot be avoided or skirtea around. It the britisn labour movement passively tolerates its own government's brutal oppression of the Irish people today, it will just as passively tolerate, tomorrow, ot blacks or discrimination against women.
It is for this reason that building the Troops Out Movement (TOM) into a mass campaion remains a centra task for British socialists.
into britain 1973 Act
have undergone
of conduct,
time.
six years atter ine
illness.
Grants
oppressed nation
It is aiso a
fees,
They are therefore a
A real
their taces.
This struggle
the victimisation
campaign, NOCUTS
VERSEAS "TUDENT NUMBERS
JANUARY 76
OVERSEAS
STUDENTS
UNDER
ATTACK
M.D.
Ever since the introduction of the present immigration Act, in 1973 overseas students nave been tacec with ever stricter control on entry
To get past immigration officers, thev have to orovide evidence of both high academic ability and of their financial situation stretchinc back for years.
Even when they provide the required evidence, they can still be rejected by the immigration otticers who are vested with the power to deny them entry despite their lack of competence to make 'academic!
Supervision
For those who do manage to enter Britain or who entered before the
enforced - totalling perhaps 100,000 at present - they are rigourously supervised in a way totally unknown to British
Apart from the fact that they are liable to deportation on the grounds
character … or ever 'association', they are also compelled to study tor a minimum oi 15 hours a week, excluding library
Failure to meet these requirements can lead to revocation of their visa even if they have a valid excuse such as a medically certifiec
The recent rise in overseas students' fees to £320 a year only adas to their propiems. Ivearl 75% of all overseas students depena upon private tunas i disea dy their families. The increase in
coupied with present inflation rates, is making it impossible tor many to continue Ineir courses in Britain - with the exception, of
„ot ine verv rich.
Since overseas students are forbidden to take holiday jobs without permission from their College and the Department of Employment, it is tantamount to slamming the door in many of
It could mean that some of them wIll be torced to leave tne coul y with their courses halt-completed.
In face of these mounting attacks the NUS - in association with the JCW and NCCL - recently launched a campaign to detena over seds students' rights.
Overseas student groups are being formed in many colleges around the protest demonstration of over 3000 country and. on November 20th, was held in London.
While continuing to build this
the NUS should also begin to realise how closely it relates ic that calling for the repeal of the 1973 immigration Act and pledge
support for its activities.