Last month, Party was born. and John Robertson to found the SLP, Labour Party, government policies.
Under the catch-phrase of opposing 'dose after dose of pragmatism', SLP's programme seems to consist of little more than an attempt to 'hold' Labour to its Manifesto pledges, particular those relating to unemployexpenditure which ment ana social have hit Scotland harder than other The real motives behind Robertson and Siller's move is a recognition that, unless Labour can quickly attach itself to the growing nationalist sentiment sweeping through the Scottish working class, as disillusion with government policies mount, Labour's returns a the next election could be reducea to a pitiful rump. confidential report made to Labour's SLP leaders have taken to neart ine National Executive that there is now a real danger that the party's 36% of the Scottish vote could dwindle to a mere 24%, giving the SNP a clear majority of over 50 seats.
The aims of the SLP, launched at a time when Labour's devolution' plans have received such a cool reception, is obviously designed to 'contain' this growing trend towards the SNP which could lead to a real disaster at the Sillers himself views next election. with alarm the fact that 'Labour has been almost the last party to acknowledge the growing feeling of Scottish national identity'. Opportunist?
While the SLP represents an attempt by a sector of the labour bureaucracy in Scotland to 'contain' growing nationalist feeling (as increasing layers oi disillusioned with Wilson's workers. turn to the SNP), it would be policies, quite wrong to dismiss it merely as an 'opportunist' manoeuvre, Groups such the SLP could adopt a programme of as the IMG. who appear worried that 'generalities or nationalism', make a mistake nere.
while the suP represents an attempt, on the part of its leaders, the growth in nationalist feeling, reflects the growing impact of this new consciousness within the labour movement *self. The reason why Robertson and Sillars have been ready to accept even expulsion from the official Labour Party s simply because they are aware that not to identify with nationalist feelings s to court political suicide.
comment on the 'melting' Labour vote "the creatione thou SLP marks, ine creation or tic this sense, a major step forward since it signifies that the labour movement, or at least sectors of it, to come to grips with the national aspirations of the Scottish working class which have, so far, While the SLP is, the NF alone. still dominated by reformists such as Robertson or Sillers who nave, numerous occasions, working class positions, this need not always be the case.
The SLP could begin to attract layers of radical Scottish workers, Wilson's pro-capitalist policies, could begin to demand a clear class expression of their national aspirations.
This will not be an automatic process and will depend very much upon the positive attitude of scottish revolutionaries towards the SLP and how they intervene to provide a programme which can satisfy national feelings through a 17.1m unemployed Unemplovment in the maior capitalist countries has soared to 17.1m workers, the highest level in 40 years, figures released ational Labour organisation, last November.
IThis represented a massive increase of six million to a level of 5.2 labour force, September 19741, the ILO said. The regional breakdown of the total numbers officially without jobs was, the United States 8. 1m; in Western Europe 2. 9m; in Southern Europe 2.7m; in Northern Europe 2. 1m and. in Japan, Australia & New Zealand 1. Sie at an inaugural meeting of over 400 in Glasgow, There can be little doubt that the decision by MPs such as Jim Sillars was not motivated by the need to mount a clear, the Reaction left, posed at present.
marxist left.
The WRP.
against the groups, tones of the WRP, Red Weekly, for laccomodating' to profit from way, it also the class struggle. example.
Siller's fostered by in Scotland itself, are being forced been pioneerea Dy as Nationalism on adopted clear antiMostle I0 who Canada, Bretons in France minorities, Scotland but also, Ireland in 1969.
according to by the Intern- parties such as the independent state. is possible, of the overall compared with of workers LOr. and Canada, the Scottish Labour eliciting threats of expulsion from the national socialist opposition to Jim Sillars: formed Scottish Labour Party to 'undercut' growing support for the SNP. class-struggle perspective.
Judging from the attitude of the British the potential for such a positive development does not seem favourably Hostility to the SLP has not been confined only to Labour bureaucrats in Westminster who have called for the expulsion of the splitters but has found a similar reaction in the Irish nationalism, actually went so far as to criticise the Labour leaders for not taking stronger disciplinary action Scottish rebel MPs. _otner while not adopting the 'shrill! have not politically differentiated themselves from such a hostile reaction towards 'nationalism'. The ICL have seen the creation of the SLP as a 'blind alley' and the IMG, have sharply pointed out that 'nationalism' cannot 'provide any solution to the working class in ScotBehind these criticisms of the SLP to the nationalist feelings of growing layers of Scottish workers lurks the belief that, in some nationalism represents a 'threat' or a 'diversion' from carrying forward Red Weekly, for speaks disparagingly in the same article of Scottish workers being under the illusion that they suffer from some 'form of national discrimination'.
Such an attitude from the lett, which ignores the nationalist traditions that run through Scottish labour history, is radically false. It is such an attitude, the labour bureauctats in which has helped push growing numbers of workers behind the petty-bourgeois banners of the SNP by suggesting that socialism is hostile to the nationalist aspirations of the ScotWriting off the national aspirations of growing numbers of Scottish workers can be short-sighted in the extreme. The development of such feelings in Scotland is not an exception' but part of an international resurgence of nationalism the advanced caplialist countries.
rise of the black movement in the USA was merely the forerunner of similar upsurges among the Quebecquois in the Basques in Spain or the The roots of this nationalist revival lie in the inter-action, among oppressed of arowing economic deprivation with long-standing feelings of social and cultural discrimination. is this inter-action which helps explain not only the recent developments in of course, the much more explosive outburst in Northern possible that such a resurgence of 'national identity' can become trapped behind petty-bourgeois SNP in Scotland which offers the mirage of an loil rich' Such a development however, only It ine ladour movement is unable to put forward a concrete class-struggle perspective & for the national aspirations of large layers of working people.
To term nationalism in Scotland a diversion' which the labour movement in particular, the SNP) should not bother with is to convince the mass of working people that socialism has no answer to their sense of national discrimination and to push them behind the banners of the SNP which can therefore pose as the sole force struggling for by Richard Munro On the contrary, Socialists in Scotland should be seeking ways of encouraging Scottish workers to grasp that their national aspirations will not be solved by supporting the SNP (whose program is anti-working class) but by fighting in the labour movement for it to take them up in a clear class-struggle way. formation of the SLP, despite its recent attempt to 'ban! left groups, potentially fruitful way of posing this alternative perspective.
Method The sectarian positions taken by large sections of the marxist left towards the SLP stem from a methodological error class struggle The point, identity', should practice, traitors. not Itelling' AL me same lInC The offers a are weicome. the SLP as 'splitting' a united workingagainst the policies o the Wilson government.
quite simoly. is that it is impossible to get such a united struggle when large layers of Scottish workers feel - as they increasingly do - that they suffer national discrimination. Instead of criticising this growth in 'national the first step by socialists be to defend the right of the people to determine wnetner or not they want self-determination.
socialists showing, that they respect the wishes of the Scottish people to decide their own future that the ground will be laid for a united struggle against the labour Such a united struggle will be forged by socialists in London Scottish workers that their national aspirations are a 'diversion'.
Scottish socialists should be boldly fighting inside the SLF and broader labour movement Tor a clear class-struggle perspective which can pose an alternative to the SNP for growing nationalist feelings.
The LSA is opening a debate in the columns of SOCIALIST ACTION oI