land, wnico does it is by from InTS MODS . based on private groups upon the Labour the streets such inem noos.
actively concern- around the which not by wholesale to promote them.
areas n wait. of mass actLabour leaders can be the Catholics. to subordinate polIMG in made a Benn in the leadopposed to the was who itself on the Labour an indication of the opp seven years, arise in the ing out years, pose time, Case of Isolved' ICs.
Such an issue for defence of call UDOn demoin inis sense, this means carrying the union conference decisions removal of the movedrawn, Wasn't the entry of troops into N Irein 1969, to protect the Catholics against the threat of imminent pograms?
While the Labour government certainly posed it this way, protection of ine minority was ineir last concern. Late in 1969, they were faced with a situation were ine struggle tor cIvi rights had unleashed forces threatenine une wore stabiliv or uisier line 'state' that was created, back in 1921 agains ne wisnes or ine majory ol the Irish people). Civil rights marches were being antacked by ine orange 'No go! areas were being set up in ine carnolic gnetioes. Mass discontent was building up in the South.
The aim of sending in British troops was clear: it was not to prevent 'pog rams' (as Callaghan pretended) but to restore the 'status quo' in 'Ulster! which was tast disintegrating and to crush the nationalist revolt.
But didn't the Catholic ghettoes in the early stages (despite the IRA) welcome the troops as a peace-keeping force to defend them?
It's true that, in the early stages, the Catholic ghettoes did look upon troops as a peace-keeping torce 1o 'defend' them against the Orange mob. It dian't take inem long, nowever, discover the army's real role: to restore ine status cud' dased or systematic discrimination against nousing, education and even voting rights.
The dismantling of the barricades Catholic 'No Go' areas was me Hirst sted.
intimidation of these over ine vears. dreds have been interned in concent -ration camos. inousands put behind bars and others - as on Bloody day - murdered in cold blood. While the troops have systematically brutalised the nationalist minority who have merely been demanding basic democratic rights), they have turned a 'blind eye' to the sectarian acts of violence permormed by the Loyalists para military groups against •Isn't it true that only the presence of the troops has prevented , over the virtual civil war break -in N. Ireland?
opposite is true. The troops are in Ireland to 'prop up' a sectarlan system wnich, Tor ine bas has treated the Catholics as secone class cilizens. Their repressive role not only alienates the nationalist minority but. al une saltie re-inforces the idea among the Loyalists that their problems can be at the expense of the CatholConfident that the troops protect them, the Loyalists are couraged to press ever more firmly their caste privileges.
The refusal of the Loyalist blocover the years to countenance any form of 'power-sharing' and the growth 'para military' groups indulging sectarian violence is proof of this.
the role of the army. alienating the nationalist minority & encouracine ine covalisi malorlly lu press for defence of its privileges, Creates coconnin easily 'overspill' into a blood-bath. Far from being a 'peace- keeping force (as Rees would suggest) the peace in the Six Counties.
•But surely if thortroops were withthe sectarian violence withdrawn.
soldiers at sireets or berry Mary recime over 50 vears ado. we can be certain.
wing backlash.
sharing! and the ian the calm down?
advocated by the Ine in N. Ireland.
ionalist minority.
Such concern nun.
Sun should withdraw them.
Ash people alone.
PELV
past Ireland?
elementary by lour! government. however, will Birmingham bombings.
Fire workers' movement.
5.
Idle 'sixties.
would not only, would of their social problems.
It is not up to us to speculate o what could happen if the troops are The facts are that the army has no right to be in Ireland & never has had such a right. The present 'patrolling' the Belfast there to prop up a bigoted, reactionimposea on the mass o the Irish people (against their will)
I ney are inere to continue to deny the Irish people the right to determine their oW. future - a future which they alone have the right to determine.
While we have no right to speculate about what could happen if the of one thing are wiinarawn, The (continued presence of these troops | encouraging the Lovalists to adopt ever more. intransigent position in fence of their privileges ) is ever now preparing the way for a rightThe recent terusa of Loyalist hard-liners ( such Paisley) to even consider 'powergrowth in sectar, violence by the Loyalist par a military groups confirms this.
•Wouldn't it be better to 'phase out' the withdrawal of troops over a period of time to allow the existing tensions to indeed, been Communist Party (among others) who hold ul inetr hands in 'horror! at the atrocities They also call for 'Bill of Rights' to protect the natis sheer right rist since it recognises the 'right! the troops to be in Ireland in the first place and the 'right! of a British Parliament to decide when it such a pos ition 'overlooks' the fact that British MPs have no right whatever dictate what takes place in Ireland since that right belongs to the Iri•But why exactly is it in the interests of the British labour movement to fight for the withdrawal of troops from N In the first place, of course, calling for the withdrawal of the troops is ar Fact ot solidarity witt oppressed people denied basic rights More In!s campaigning for their with. •rawa. cane surenotner and uni: the labour movement in the face of growing attempts to dividel it bi • playing on centuries-old prejudices. Only last year, the government whippec up mass anti-Irish feeling around the It used this :. violently split the labour movement & push through the Anti-Terrorism Ac: which violates the rights of the entThe demons:. rations in the Midlands were sorr e of the most reactionary seen since those in support or rower in ine Campaigning to withdraw the troops in this sense, direc: contribute to ine treeaom struggle the Irish people but would be an integral part of defending (and extending democratic rights in Britain. Of course such a campaign will have to strugg e against the centuries or antl - ris prejudice that has been built up. Fa':ure to do so will, nowever, be use. by the right (as they use racism ars sexism, to alvide ine labour moves and turn it away from the real ca-s