last week saw this facade collapse in ruins.
Plans had of course been made beforehand to prop it up through a composite resolution from the National Union of Mineworkers and AUEW-TASS, which declared its opposition to any form of Government imposed incomes policy. By passing this, Congress was to maintain for history its "intransigence' on the CUCSHOT At the same time, however, it would be urged to pass Emergency Motion 5 on the Budget, drafted by the General council ana supported Dy the Now. This simply reiterated that Congress has never favoured incomes policy', found the 3 per cent limit 'inadequate and unacceptable", and called on the General Council 'to seek an early meeting with the Chancellor of the Exchequer It was moved by leading Communist Party member Hugh D'Arcy of UCATT, who the tete a tete had already been agreed with Healey 6 May! one of the most militant and unyielding sections of the British labour movement. And by presenting themselves as the best champions of the STUC's long-standing opposition to incomes policy and wage restraint, the Communist Party have secured its Congress and General Council as key strongholds. However, the 79th Congress of the STUC in Perth In response to McCord's appeal for unity for a plannea socialist cconomy, not for schemes which serve the profit motive, Jack Jones strode to the rostrum The resolution, he informed Congress, was a clear attack on the TUC and the Labour Government, a clear attack on millions of workers -Office would be proud of its approach.
This part-time decoration of the Institute for Workers Control then proceeded to denounce the main demands of the resolution. 'Nationalisation gency Resolution on the Budget the following day, several members of the delegation still voted in favour during the hand vote. But the danger that there might be a split on the Stirling which the grand slam of the TGWU, the issue. put the debate in a more reliable percouncil rejecting incomes policy was put to the test of pit-head mass meet- Tory Central ings, branch meetings and trades council meetings. He threw down the gauntlet to Jones: I challenge Jack Jones to go to any T&G branch and get a unanimous vote for his policy - nes got no chance. resolution was avoided by a card vote in AUEW and GMWU block. votes "settled However, Tom Coulter, of the NUM spective. The resolution from his trades born Even a quick look at the vote on the "Big Three" bureaucrats' block vote UCATT, ASLEF and the Boilermakers.
Jones s intervention at the conter fighting for the leadership of the movein order to defeat But these men are only the labour lieutenants of capital. The generals are following their usual strategy - the run on the pound - for goading Labour Governments into speedy action against the class which puts them into power. A look into the history books confirms the fact that the run on the pound over the last months is not an accident, but part and parcel of gaining acceptance for incomes policy, the cuts in social expenditure, and mass unemployment.
1931 — A wave of huge sterling selling ordered by the Bank of England sets the scene for a meeting between the bankers and Ramsay MacDonald The bankers demand cuts in dole money and teachers' pay. ce the cuts through the Labour Cabinet and the TUC, MacDonald deserts to form the National Government with the Liberals and Tories. The cuts are forced through. Unemployment rises to three million.
1964 — The election manifesto has promised low interest charges, increases in public spending, and control of profits and dividends. But on 16 July 1965 the pound falls to its lowest level since the previous April. Not satisfied with the promise of HP limits and public spending cuts, sterling streams out. On 1 September George Brown introduces the Prices and Incomes Board, 1966 — A deep wave of selling, let loose by the failure of the Bank of England to take decisive measures, rises to record proportions on 19 July. On 20 July, Wilson announces a legally binding wage freeze, for six months, to be followed by a further six months of severe restraint, plus cuts in public spending of £500 million. cing a devaluation which boosts the price of life for every working person.
1975 — Healey's spring Budget continues the Tories' cuts into a new range of publie services. ernment still holds back from introducing a statutory incomes policy. June sees hectie selling of the pound without intervention by the Bank of Eng land. On 30 June Wilson announces there will be no panic measures, but that day the pound drops a full percentage point. The next day Healey proposes a 10 per cent wage limit to be enforced unless the trade unions decide to police their own membership within a week. The £6 limit is 1976 — It's the same old story. The Labour Government will not res ist the pressure on the pound. ing class masters will not be satisfied even by acceptance of the 3 per cent limit. They want promises of further cuts in social expenditure, and obedience to future wage controls Norman Atkinson pointed the finger at the conspirators in the City this week in Parliament. A labour movement enquiry into the cause of the pound's decline should provide a definite answer. Appeasement is no way out for the British working class. The best way to put a stop to these attacks is resistance. A start can be made with the campaign for strike action on the national day of action against unemployment on 26 May.
Failing to for which mainly aims to control wage increases.
The same pattern continues into 1967, finally for Tax changes produce big price rises. But the GovThe international speculators and their rul-