This year Guyana celebrates its tenth anniversary of independence. The present prime minister, Forbes Burnham, has been busy over the past weeks heralding the achievements of this decade. At home they include the nationalisation of the major bauxite and sugar companies (including bookers mcconnell, wno previously completely dominated Guyana's economy); and in foreign policy a break from complete reliance on imperialism to develop ing relations with Cuba and verbal support for the African liberation struggles.
Not so much has been made of the unemplovment. nomelessness. racism and repression tnat still exist ; or the siuz.bm to be paid in compensation to Bookers -whose century and a half of rank exploitation of the country caused these problems in the first place. Nevertheless, the figure of 68 per cent of the economy now in government hands plus visits by Castro to buyana nave been enouon tor burnham to proclaim the country a 'Cooperative hepublic neaded towards "socialist reconstruction' of the economy at home and committed to support for anti-imperialist struggles abroad. in Guyana To anyone familiar with the rise of this self-styled "Marxist' to power, this present left turn and accompanying demagogy more than sticks in the Enroat. nougn ne is talking now about his 'socialist' policies upsetting imperialism, Burnham was himself manoeuvred into power in 1964 in one of the most notorious 'destabilisation' operations of US imperialism and its strong-arm men in the wid. He nas maintained himself in power since then by blatant ballot-rigging, as in the 1973 elections.
Violence The CIA interfered in 1964 to quell une crowing radicalisation or me masse: which had already brought Cheddi Macan s stalinist intuenceo nanonalst party (the PPP) to power in 1953. Racial violence was whipped up to divide the Africans and Indians, money paid over to prolong anti-government strikes, and a system or proportionar representation orouant in wiien ensureo sacan s ousting - whereuson none omner man mr. roroes Burnham was installed in office, as a The electoral support given to Otelo de Carvalho bv the leftist groups MES and more amenable servant of imperialism. The country was then granted formal "independence' in 1966.
burnnam cultuly tuitileo nis stooge role until the early 1970s, when the domestic problems created by the stranglehold of foreign monopolies deepened with the growing world eco nomic crisis. Like other neo-colonial regimes, he saw his former paymasters unable to solve the country's economic problems on a capitalist basis, and was forced to carry out nationalisations or else himself be swept aside by the discontent and radicalisation of the masses Jacan was coine an about Turn - no an unusual thing in the biographies of stalinists, but particulary ironic in tne ended his boycott of Parliament, begun after the rigged elections, but he has is now calling for a government of nat ional unity' to head off a rumoured second destabilisation operation -this time to topple Burnham himself, who nas suoposedy movee too tarto ine ES distrust it I defend the position of our comrades in the LCI (Portuguese sympathising section of the Fourth International) to call for a vote tor une communiserans which need commenting on.
immediate tactical guidelines trom "general truths' will be incapable of facing up to the test of events. But we see this method of approach from last week's issue, who think that every thing follows from the injunction to "develop the political independence of is no one-to-one relation between such a correct striving and a vote for the CP and their candidate Pato.
has to be posed concretely. Todav this detana tne gains or tne rortuguese soares, supported by cunnal. inat Is how to fight the austerity programme Whilst all this was going on, Cheddi come situation in Guyana. Not only has Jagan pledged critical support to Burnham and left for imperialism's complete comfort. 'Otelo appealed for support not to the bourgeoisie but only to the workers' canaidate, Uctavio rato. however, some Tundamental problems nave been thrown up in the debate opened in Red Weekly Any approach which tries to draw Cunhal's CP. comrades Grey, Camiller and Jordan in the working class from the bourgeoisie.
Of course this is necessary. But there The question of class independence organisations resolves itself to the question - "how to workers against the counter-revolutionary Burnham (second from right) sits next to Jagan (on his right) at May Day rally this year So now Jagan and Burnham have become bedfellows in a cross-class alliance. The policies of Stalinism beindistinguishable in the last analysis from the measures which the nationalist bourgeoisie takes to save its own skin.
The propping up of regimes like that of Burnham, which despite state ownership fail to solve deep-rooted problems of the economy, and despite their 'social.
ist' rhetoric are far too scared actually to involve the masses in the control of economy or state (resorting instead to repression) have already resulted in splits and crises inside the PPP. Some party members have left to join the PNC (Burnham's party), but others have denounced Jagan's class collaboration ULBIO or te bourgeoisie represented by canes it is tne relationshio or the candicates to that task which is the decisive question.
In this sense it is undoubtedly the case that Otelo's campaign reflected the strivings of the most combative sections of the working class. A vote for Otelo was a sign that these workers were not goine to accept tne austerity pian or the bourgeoisie, and it even marked a refusal to countenance the fawning attitude to the bourgeoisie represented by Otelo himself made no appeals for support to sections of the bourgeoisie but only to the workers. Because of this and what Otelo expressed - the strivings of the workers against the dusterity dian, in nowever distorted a form - no section of the bourgeoisie or is army supported Utelo. Only workers organisations did this - ultraleft centrists, of course, but still workers It is on this point that I find myself much more in agreement with the line of Alan Firth in the same issue. Unfortunately the comrade draws unilateral and unwarranted conclusions from this point. As we have indicated, we agree that a