IMGpapers 1976–79

Newspapers of the International Marxist Group and its forerunners, 1976–79

MAJORITY RULE NOW!

Red Weekly No. 172, 28 October 1976 · p. 3 of the scan · 834 words

The scan: rw-no172-oct-28-1976.pdf (PDF, Marxists Internet Archive, opens at this page)

Uncorrected machine reading. This text was read by machine (Apple Vision OCR) from a scan of a newspaper page, and the page was cut into articles by machine, at the headlines found by their type size. Nothing has been corrected: expect misread words, text from a neighbouring article, and titles that are the machine reading of the headline, some of them only fragments. Quote from the scan, not from this page.
How this article was cut and titled: headline found by type size in the OCR geometry (split_tabloid.py); 4-5 of 5; machine-segmented newspaper page; uncorrected Vision OCR.

page 3 of the scan

ference anti-colonial fighter, Also like Kenyatta, of imperialist interests. regime in Zimbabwe are central to this project about an 'Indian solution' treason against the British and drop its support for the neo-colonial plan.

ZIPA and the masses in struggle. fication of the armed struggle as the only means to a just solution come to some eventual agreement with imperialism political interests of imperialism in ovation.

the racist state.

TerOCIOus police of the Vorster ATTICE The imperialist plan for a neo-colonialist Zimbabwe takes a step forward with the convening of the constitutional conference in Geneva this week. But the main obstacle to the realisation of this project remains the struggle of the Zimbabwean masses, which threatens to scuttle the conBritish and American strategy, crystallised in the Kissinger-Callaghan package, is to impose a Kenyan style of decolonisation on Zimbabwe with Joshua Nkomo of ZAPU as the obvious candidate for the role of Kenyatta. Like Kenyatta, Nkomo has established his credentials as an who refused to nationalise ex-colonial property and assets, Nkomo can be relied upon as a guardian A neo-colonial Zimbabwe is part of imperialism's new orientation for southern Africa as a whole: to lower the 'colour line' from the Zambezi to the Limpopo - that is, from Zimbabwe to South Africa. This requires both a layer of buffer states, the 'independent Bantustans', and a South African Common Market of compliant black neo-colonial states. Hence both the fake independence for the Transkel and a pro-imperialist black The exact form of the transfer of power may be negotiable for the imperialists. Sections of the British bourgeois press have been enthusing - that is, the reimposition of direct colonial rule by the British Government to superintend a speedy establishment of a new constitution inside the two year timetable proposed by Kissinger.

Perhaps the biggest betrayal on the part of the nationalist factions and the 'front line states' has been on the question of the British role. They have consistently called on the Foreign Minister, Anthony Crosland, to chair the Geneva conference as a representative of the 'legal' colonial power. Even Robert Mugabe of ZANU, the most radical speaking of the nationalist leaders, has proposed that lan Smith should be tried for Crown. Against this idea that British capitalism has any progressive role to play, we call upon the Labour Government to give its full support to the liberation fighters of Zimbabwe The nationalist leaders face a dilemma. An observer in Geneva described Nkomo and Mugabe as 'each looking over their left shoulder'. If Nkomo is to be a credible Kenyatta, he needs the support of Mugabe and the latter's supposed influence in ZIPA, the guerilla army. Mugabe, in turn, has come out with a series of demagogic statements about the uselessness of the conference in order to maintain his credibility with The pressure on Mugabe is indicated by a ZIPA statement issued in London last week: 'ZIPA condemns the Geneva conference as a non starter, since we do not know what its terms of reference are. Anything short of immediate, unqualified majority rule is unacceptable to the people of Zimbabwe.' The statement condemns the massive Anglo-American trust fund to enable whites to leave Zimbabwe and concludes These proposals, and the plan for an interim government, are not part of Zimbabwean thinking. We therefore regard the continuation and intensi We support the ZIPA call for immediate unqualified majority rule - the election of a Constituent Assembiv on the basis of one person, one vote Also it is clear that this involves the immediate disarming of the Smith regime and the arming of the African masses. However, while we agree with ZIPA that the conference is probably an irrelevance, we must nevertheless fight for no deal with racism on the part of the nationalist leaders. Their presence at the conference can only indicate their readiness to The fight against the imperialist scheme for Zimbabwe should centre on the resolution passed at last weekend's Anti-Apartheid Movement conference. This motion solidarises with the Zimbabwe freedom fighters and 'calls on the Labour Government to disassociate itself from the Kissinger manoeuvres, whose purpose is to defend the economic and southern Africa. The first step towards this is the national day of action on southern Africa on 4 December, which will be followed by a national demonstration next March. The Fourth International will be fighting to build this into an international day of action in solidarity with the southern African masses.

In the discussion that followed, speakers from the floor took up the question of the slogan of black power', and how in South Africa that meant the power of the black working class to smash Others pointed out that black militants should have no illusions in the leaders of the front line states not want to replace a white Smith by a black one'. On one poin there was unanimous agreement the need for the broadest of solidarity with those struggling This meeting was organised by the London district of the IMG

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