THE TORIES' inner party truce was blown apart last week with the announcement that a decisive section of the past and present leadership of the party intended to defy a three-line whip in the Commons. The occasion for this revolt was the Scotland and Wales Bill.
This Tory split is partly motivated by electoral opportunism. But deeper and more important issues lie behind the verbal smokescreen.
For the first time since the battle over Protection and Free Trade at the turn of the century, deep and profound differences of material interest are surfacing inside the ruling class in Britain.
Much of Scottish industry is, for better or worse, still riveted to the structures. investment patterns and government protection which only the British state IN BITTER cold and rain, over 4,000 streets of Glasgow last Saturday CUTS and unemoiovment.
demonstration had been called by Trades Union Congress. Despite the deployment large numbers of stewards, inere It is defence of these links which provides the basis for the newly formed. 'Scotland is British' campaign. This motley bunch of inof Weirs group, Lord Toothill of Ferrants, the scolin Col, and the Scottish Chamber of Commerce. All are unned in ounga opposition to any form of devolution.
To these firms the British connection is their very life blood. Devolution is not only irrelevant but downrigat dangerous, warcal ening to disrupt a sophisticated well-Oiled system handouts from via London-based financing and services.
Oil changed this bleak perspective for only a small and distinct section of finance capital in Scotland. All three major banks are now heavily involved in was no nocine back ine reai views of the marcners on Labours be I want to make it clear that this is not a demonstration against the CINE Labour Government bicdocu communist Pany President of the STUC, , Hugh D'Arcy. But the real mood of the march was correctly Pleasing equipment and direct participation in the oil exploitation. The Bank of Scotland is one of the main forces backing the International Energy Bank.
Unlike traditional sections Scottish industry, these banks and TCLUCILY intervention into Above all, they are eager to dis entangle themselves from the disastrous fortunes of sterling and the London financial institutions.
These clear divergences of interest represent only half the story. of public SUCH regional aid and workers Scottish firms. It is their attitude to devolution which will be decisive for the ruling class.
For these American multinationals, the issue Scottish is simple: who can guarantee political stability in Scotland, who will argue that they SanE.
other's throats.
VIGOUR the economy.
cent of Scottish are employed by employers, people of Scotland. "middle ground' of employers that all the parties have been addressing themselves over the last period. Foot, Heath and Thatcher each alone can best guarantee the stability and development of private capital in ScotBetween these rival packs of piranha fish, Scottish workers can only be indifferent. But this does not mean that we turn our backs when the ruling class go for each Socialists must have clear solutions to eyery issue in the capitalist political world under which workers are compelled to live. The con tinuing crisis over devolution has to be seized with vigour. We need an Assembly, but not one which will referee disputes between big We need an Assembly which will break with all these gentlemen, which will assume the powers to implement a socialist programme against the Weir group, against the merchant banks, against BP oil, and in favour of the working Fight Europe's THE WORKERS are going out all over Europe. They are marching against austerity measures which make them pay the cost of the economic crisis. At the time of going to press, we do not know the precise content Healey's 'mini-Budget', but we can be sure that it will be more of the same Social Contract is the big daddy austerity plans, case of Britain this is doubly effective for being policed by UNION leadership in concert Government. On the introduction of the Spanish austerity plan this autumn, its architect remarked that he didn't know what the workers were package was not as tough as the Social Contract on which We all know what the Social Contract means. In return for pay controls and for the co-operation of our trade union leaders, we were to get attacks on unemployment, a massive cut in inflation ('single figures by the end of the year®), and a return to free collective bargaining 'next year' It's always next year. made two and a half years ago and it has been exposed a thousand times since then.
Unemployment is 1½ million figures, inflation runs at 20 per cent (again the official annual rate over the last three months), while the axeman hacks away at our essential services and jobs in the public sector. The mini-Budget will be more of this now, after the divisions in the cabinet, and how much will be saved up for the 'maxi'-Budget in April.
PAY POLICY CENTRAL
of Denis For all inest hinged upon an incomes policy. In the La Labour complaining -His That deal was a con when it was even by the official - cuts and The only question is how much we will get