WITH THE result of the miners' ballot, the way is now open for the biggest clash so far Contract policies of the Labour Government. Just what those policies represent is illustrated starkly in the mining industry. On one side are the miners who:
* have a higher retirement age than the vast majority of miners elsewhere in Europe; ACTION greatly to the nation's problems. 1 nese two positions are wnal une • on the Social Social Contract is all about. For the working people it means ill ness, death and hospitals. For the Sir Derek Ezras of this country they are a 'special case"
This is why the miners' fight is a fight for all trade unionists, beweek.
Act. only partial. CAUCUSES closure of it means they are "sacrifices' as for THE ABOLITION of the separate women's section of the Amalgamated Union of Engineering Workers was decided on by the union's rules revision committee last The committee also cecten to aune! campaign to explain to its members the changes in its rules that affect equal rights. The reason given for the changes was the provisions of the Sex Discrimination The move was not unexpected. There has been a growing sentiment in the labour movement for the ending of separate women's sections, based on the notion that 'women have equality now'. Such forms of organisation are therefore considered outmoded.
But it is only in the last few years that unions have really been confronted with the question of the unionisation of women. And this has largely happened because of the fight that women themselves have waged for better pay and conditions and, in a large number of cases, the basic right even to join a union. Only last summer women at the Orlake's factory in Dagenham, Essex, were out on strike for 10 weeks for union recognition and wage increases Despite this growing tide of resistance among women workers, the response of the unions has been The 1968 Ford machinists' strike saw the organisation of women's shop stewards into an active and militant movement and tne seeds organisation of women in industry. Unions like TASS and NATHE have set up bodies (in the case of TASS, national, regional and local sub-committees) open to women only. These provide the opportunity collective discussion around women's specific needs and problems, and could provide the necessary strength through self-organisation and solidarity for ineir demands to be taken up in the unions as a whole It is no coincidence that it is unions like TASS which have probably the best policies and record on women's rights in the labour movement. women's conference of the General & Municipal one examoe or tus rocess was to the cut-back of nursery facilities and the like.
other similar defended in weight inside the union as a whole common struggle against the employers.
means organisation the unions.
RALLY policies of nancicaos.
them from gaining those positions in the past before it has properly started.
women are equal.
women.
self- the fight to transtorm. that loopholes, into a living reality.
the 'One Year on from the SDA Women's Charter Campaign national only just begun. discussed and passed specific amendments to the equa pay legislation which will be forwarded to the TUC Women's Conference, as well as discussing the way in which cuts in social expenditure are hitting women due Whatever their weaknesses, such conferences and forms of organisation the absence of alternative forms of women's sell-organisanon. but meir weaknesses an numerous. In many unions they tend to be closely tied to the bureaucracy, and to that extent carry little The women's section of the National Union of Footwear, Leather and Allied Trades, for instance, tend to take their lead from the union leadership -line which does not lead anywhere in particular. In addition the practice has been that women members only attend meetings of the women's section, and thus tend to be isolated from the men. In the past this has meant that some women militants have found that men are pitted against women rather than united in a So while such official structures are important, they have to be made responsive to the rank and file. This at the local level. Increasingly women find that they are compelled to organise democratical in order to be effective. in particular strike action by women has increasingly seen the systematic use of mass meetings and elected strike The fight is now on for women's caucuses, meeting on an ongoing basis, to launch campaigns for union meetings in work time and creches for union members, so that as many practical obstacles as possible are removed from the involvement of women members in But this in itself is not sufficient. In order for women to be in a position to fight these imposed positive discrimination in favour of women should be fought for to enable women to challenge the barriers that have prevented Women will never have equality within the trade unions or society as a whole until such preconditions for equality as adequate child care provisions, free abortion and contraception on demand, maternity leave and allowances, equal training and education, and the rest are established. To hide behind th existing legislation is to end the fight for equality The AUEW has merely re-affirmed the rulings of the sex Discriminaton Act agalast the separaie organisation of women within organisations. But the SDA also pretends that from the time of its passing This is a legalistic position contradicted every day by the actual experiences of The fight for the self-organisation of women inside the mass organisations of the working class is part of legalism, riddled with This will be one aspect of the fight for united action for women's rights to be discussed on 26 February at La Rally for Women's Rights' at the Alexandra Palace in London. The rally was initiated by the National Working and is now getting increasing support from the labour and women's movement. All Red Weekly supporters should raise the necessity for support for the Rally to show that the fight for women's rights, far from being over, has