and if to have One of the strongest speeches at an abortion. On Saturday's from AUEW/TASS, Rosa Franquet from the Barcelona women 'smavement got the applause those of the Labour MPs well-worn appeals for more indiSIONAL H Leed banner on the 14 May abortion demonstration.
stressed the need for a broa kidual movement on an internation Franquer described the mass camdemanded amoesty for prisoner marisoned I female crimes like abortion and Without doubt the demonsera Lice in of the protect te ment efforts to placate supporters WE CURTEES HATE would be allotted for the Beayon Bill ite the work of maste THE FAILURE of the Ulster Action Council strike to mobilise majority support among the Protestant poputation has important implications for the irish situation. But we should be clear what the nature of the Unionist opposition to the strike was. There have been countless statements from Unionist politicians, from the Unionist establishment press and notably from iriah trade union leaders which identify with one of the two aims of the strike: tougher 'security' measures.
There is the example of the Norther Ireland Committee of the irish Congress of Trade Unions chairperson, Harold Binks who described the demands for 'better security in the fight against terrorism' as 'quite legitimate. These sort of statements are readily translatable as increaser repression of the Catholic population.
This consensus for Unionists did not extend to Paisiey's other demand for the resurrection of Stormont. The whole dynamle of "Official" Unionism that is Unionism as it raflects the interests of the Northem upper and middle classes] over the last ten years leads to the view that a Northem Irish parliament is not essential for maintaining their Interests. Indeed a Stormont of 1968 style can be a positive hindrance in that it produces gross political instability The priority of the Unionist bourgeoisie is the link with Britain and their economic advantages which flow from it. Thus the Official Unionista have been quite willing to engage In attempts at reform", rule. It may not be the ideal situation but the alternatives are too problematic with this "reform' of the northem statelet because of the hostility of large sections of the Catholle population to the statelet as such, and because of the opposition of the Protestant class and reforming the statelet These latter forces see such 'reforms' as a challenge to their ascendency over their Catholic counterparts. Imperialist relationship with Britain does determine the labour aristocracy" of these sections of Protestants. enjoyed are more a consequence of Unionist control over the local and provincial political structures It is not simply a case of material Intereste. The white settler and 'poor white' ideology rampant In the Unionis culture conditions working class Protestante against any equalisation with the Catholics. So there was not Unionis consensus on the resurrection of Stormont, but there was on the neod to defeat the minority's rebellion'. For this rebellion threatens the interests of Protestant workers in the immediate term and the Protestant bourgeoisie in the Immediate and long term.
UTOPIAN AIMS There was also a recognition on the Unionist side that the aims of the strike were utopian. In the 1974 strike the sim was clearly realisable. This time there was no chance Britain would give in to the demands for a return to Stormont, because Britain realises, as did the Protestant would stiffen the Republican resistance and increase its support among the Catholic community. nature of the strike's demands is probably the main reason why the strike call failed lo attract majority support, although the support was substantially greater than the British media admitted to The Protestant bourgeoisle also saw the strike as means of politically discrediting the hard men in the Loyalist side schlave in eight years. The now in a position to qualitively change the balance of forces within the Unionist camp in their favour; although the volatile nature of the Irish situation means this change is by no means definitive But one consequence is that Britain may now find it easier to erect a "power-sharing' scaffold, yet even then it strictly limited. But the success in achieving this, with it the political stability so sought by Britaln merely dependent on defeating Paisleyiam: happens the IRA campaign will continue and there is the distinct possibility of a new Loyalist terror campaign.
The dangers in this situation are increased because the Loyalists have gained something from the strike. In an attempt to buy off the power worker Mason has promised increased Royal ESTH Defence Regiment and UDR and an increase in Special Air Services operations. Mason is only too happy to deliver on HEST promises.
Republican resistance as anyone is So a period of increased repression of the norther minority is on the horlzon. British troops will be to the fore in this contrast to their virtual absence from the Loyalist picket lines. There are also indications that new attempts will be made to bring in the UDR and RUG into the front line This repression would have Paisley won, but nevertheless the northern minority is in for a hard time. This means militants in this country must be prepared to do support against this repression. And as the new security drive will be led by the British Army it means attempting to rebulld the movement calling for withdrawal of those troops. That has been our task, it is all the more urgent more repression among the "power-sharing and direct They have been unable to get away petty-bourgeoisie not directly and oatronane tney nave This 'utopian"
Bars. The Official Unionist leadership le they have been unable to actual power which is shared will be and Whatever Constabulary and Ulster He is as determined to defeat the as they have been in the past-in sharp been much greater had as much as they can in mobilising
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bourgeoisie that a return to the old days' would create many more problems than it would solve. For example It