IMGpapers 1976–79

Newspapers of the International Marxist Group and its forerunners, 1976–79

Beyond the fragments?

Socialist Challenge No. 104, 12 July 1979 · p. 7 of the scan · 737 words

The scan: sc-n104-jul-12-1979.pdf (PDF, Marxists Internet Archive, opens at this page)

Uncorrected machine reading. This text was read by machine (Apple Vision OCR) from a scan of a newspaper page, and the page was cut into articles by machine, at the headlines found by their type size. Nothing has been corrected: expect misread words, text from a neighbouring article, and titles that are the machine reading of the headline, some of them only fragments. Quote from the scan, not from this page.
How this article was cut and titled: headline found by type size in the OCR geometry (split_tabloid.py); 3-5 of 7; machine-segmented newspaper page; uncorrected Vision OCR.

page 7 of the scan

women so we could trust one another without falling back on men. We inclined towards small circles rather than rows, information and research This movement articulated our oppression as a sex. It showed that sex-gender relationships had been neglected by socialists. It showed that it was possible to organise informally and make an impact on society. It challenged the male left's monopoly of political knowledge.

What does Marxism and Leninism actually say about self-activity? Sheila gives For Lenin the lessons through struggle remain generally subordinate to the leadership of the party' "organisational forms workers create only have a revolutionary validity when they are under the authority of the party.' This is a grotesque caricature of Lenin. Let's have a look at a couple of the lessons of experience through struggle' that Lenin drew. Rosa Luxemburg understood the reactionary nature of German social democracy long before Lenin did. He only began to realise it was necessary to form a separate party after these leaders had voted for support for the First World War.

Lenin changed his mind over whether or not there should be a socialist revolution in Russia in 1917, not because of Trotsky's brilliant mai ority of peasants, soldiers noted ost re not going to get what they wanted out Do Leninists argue that the actions of the Iraman and Portuguese masses were any less revolutionary because there revolutionary party in that country? Of course It is the masses in motion who make the The palty revolution 'on behalf of the oppressed'.

about relationship women and the party? Sheila herself rejects the argument that the WLM is self-sufficient.

cannot be made by Sheila does point have developed consciousness independently of the party.

fact, the women's movement areas of struggle psychological, sexual that completely ignored by the theoreticians of the WorSes noave understood she compandise ne society without any help from intellectuals.

implies that she means they revolutionary consciousness independently of the party, but she does not baldly concepts centres as services, experience Not a moral consciousness , us this OI ConSCIOusnes.

Maps and later 'Are professionals and lemons?' COMERIL no capitalism.

make the Initially, between A one half of propertied classes, critical socialism, has personal have been Weitlings." have But revolutionary She points out that it is absurd to apply the developed by Lenin in What is to be done to the women in the movement. Consciousness that develops from lived experiences of oppression (not always in trade unions) stresses the personal and spiritual meaning of being a socialist. Sheila quotes E.P.Thompson, who talks of the development This is in direct confrontation with the Leninist idea of the party as a 'red zone' which sallies forth with superior knowledge to 'insert, inject, imbue' others with superior knowledge untouched by human frailties, says Sheila.

left politics the preserve who hold the interconnecting points? Have the rest of us merely to file under, like in the game of oranges A revolutionary is not someone who has a first class honours degree in Marxism. women have come to the realisation that we need to have an understanding of all forms of oppression in our society, not just our own, if we are to have a strategy for achieving our aims and forging the alliances we need.

revolutionary analysis attempts develop a global as opposed to a partial analysis of oppression: of all the class relationships, every level of society, particularly at the level of the state. If our analysis stops at the point of production, in the home, or simply in our local community then we find ourselves trapped in Every woman in the women's movement does not agree with the idea There a differentiation consciousness in all these movements.

revolutionary theory COme as Lenin points out, it came from outside the factories. He wrote:

"The theory of socialism grew out of the philosophic, historical, and economic theories elaborated by educated representatives of the by intellestuns. h social status the founders of modern scientific Marx and Engets, belonged to the bourgeois intelligentsia.' The oppressed need knowledge to guide them against the oppressors who have the most detailed and well drawn maps. Lenin did not argue that workers took no part in creating this ideology. "They take part, not as workers. but as socialist theoreticians, as Proudhons anc The maintained that without this theory there could be . The ruling class is always willing to influence the oppressed.

← OBSOLETE? orms of inner-party functioning, a group f Leninism. We review both developments.77 Labour MPs back Charter 77 →

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