meant for the bosses' pockets and ours.
less than three years previously. international division of labour.
These objections ledged in Stuart Holland's contribution to the book. While still trying to find limited Tole TOI controls, he makes the point that "The real safeguard in international trade for the British economy depends on the centrai question of whether or not we harness the economic giant enterprise — across the broad range of its activity and social ends.' Holland advocates the far more correct idea of 'planning of foreign WHEN Jim Callaghan and the rest of the Labour right blame last winter's strikes for bringing down the 1974-79 government, it's worth mentioning what their policies Corporate profits, which had collapsed to only 9.3 per cent of total national income in the depths of the crisis in 1975, were rebuilt to the pre-crisis figure of 13.2 Meanwhile all sections of the working class had their living standards squeezed between rising taxes and pay restraint: by April 1977 the real disposable income [tbat is, income after deductions, in terms of real buying power] of the average male manual worker was 5 per cent Labour's legacy — workers sleeping rough in the daily queue for casual hotel jobs in London.
Hated action by the labour movement.
And this import agriculture.
The power of UH. this question - to social needs for protecWith ascruptoyment soaring as a result of the crisis and Labour's restrictive economic policies, the number of those in porerty rose fourfold, with over 1.6 million first two sears of its existeace. the Labour goverument more than resersed itself with its cuts during 1976-77 and continued the cutbacks until it had to hand the hatcher By 1978 pablic capital sperding (money spent on providing and maintaining buildings and equipment, as opposed to paying mages and other operating costs] was almost 40 per cent less than it had been in 1974. subject of deliberation and co-ordinEuropean would be a two-way street. For if Britain has its industrial problems, the continent suffers from the backwardness of its peasant-based labour movement should have something more to offer than grumbling about the price of butter and cursing the French farmers, who are as much victims of monopoly capitai as we are. nore than 1.4 times the paltry acrease in pablic spending during the and industrial committees Even Stalin had the decency to wait for the imperialists to isolate Russia before proclaiming 'socialism in one country': it is a commentary on the political poverty of the Labour left that they start perspective.
This lack of radicalism in political thinking reflects itself more widely in the approach of the left to economic policy. Their complex scheme of the NEB, public shareholdings, and trade union directors, planning agreements, tighter corporate price controls would unnecessary if the principal blocs of capital financial and industrial WC1C simply nationalised workers control.
Then proper socialist could begin. Far from being bureaucratic that Tories portray, it would be far simpler than even their brand of capitalism.
bringing all important economic decisions under a single structure it would be able to regulate Francis (ripo Frank Hid VIP iom toreser Suart Holland MP John Hughe Michael Matter VP trances Murrell on the fall of ih= Labour dionernsien