Punishment The education system, says. in its origins and remains today an of class attempting IO win the minds' of the oppressed with ideas and blandishments, and failing that with DAHSINCIL. Illevitably resistance power of teachers in the class room and to the police in the streets.
Lots of people have pointed out things like this before but the crunch comes in the concluding chapter, 'What you gonna do about it?' Corrigan says that involvement in the struggle for democratic demands will bring working class conflict the shaping their lives. reasonable, but it is not followed by any independent school, is that of the Tvind schools in Denmark, which are radica and anti-imperialist, but nevertheless partially state financed. They impose demands of a high order on teachers, including a requirement to work for some years in a factory. Their method is involving travel projects, direct study such as studying farming in Turkey by peasants, and attempts to relate the experience of particular projects to the local labour movement and communCompromised The Freinet movement in France, on the other hand, 1S compromised by the imposed by the state system. embodies a set of 'polytechnic' goals and derives its importance from its status as a radical movement organised nationally within the state system movement given great impetus by the post '68 radicalisation.
The authors are quite clear that it will take revolutionary social change to effectually transform - they are equally clear that the content of education is itself a significant front of struggle which should be linked to others. It's not difficult to imagine the difference it would make in Britain if educational ideas worked out practically and advocated a grouping within the teachers' LICI revolutionary and a born leader.
That he Liberation' June 1976.
far more committed to constraints Yet it which would economy, private enterprise participation...
fluid and receptive.
achieved.
NIMROD 'NDABENI
Biko was no Marxist. He addressed himself to all the black people. This fallure to understand the leading role which the black proletariat will play in the South African revolution was his greatest weakness. But Steve Biko was a was travelling in this al. direction can be gauged from the las article in the book 'Our Strategy for European journalist in 1971, in which an interview in which Steve Biko reflects on the new situation created in South Africa by the students uprisings in Soweto and elsewhere in While insisting that he was still 'explore as much as possible non-violent means', he does not rule out that conditions might arise for a military solution: Although he declares himself for an 'egalitarian' socialist society, his definition of this is that of a mixed "a judicious. blending of and.
Steve Biko was in his 31st year when he was murdered; his mind was still • The course of the struggle would undoubtedly have led him to re-evaluate the means by which the liberation of South Africa from white imperialist domination would be Socialist Challenge 11 October 1979 Page 11