MISLEADING speeches from politicians are nothing new, but the sixth Baron Carrington is promising to elevate them into an art form.
While most speakers at last week's Tory Party conference relied on the old methods of I not saying what they meant or nor. meaning what they said, the Foreign Secretary managed to overwhelm everyone with several layers of ambiguity.
IS Zimbabwe? Nobody knows — certainly not the • daily paper which told us on its front page 'Early end to sanctions hint by Carrington' and unen secuson page Secretary rejects calls to lift sanctions...' Now, however, we are in a position to clear up their confusion. A worker in the Blackpool refuse department found document: SHO anea Carrington's original draft speech, obviously rejected because OT ILS bécame clear that opacity was to be the order of me day.
that I and HM Government have blood on our blood that we have shed is black blood.
When our chaps...er, the Rhodesian army, invaded Mozambique VIR Lancaster House conference, did we condemn this as an atrocity and violation of international law? No we did not.' Irliul that it coincided with a British diplomatic initiative.
The last Conservative which I was proud to serve (This bit will baye to go. Maggie T] turned a blind eye to oil supplies to Mr Smith. British arms continue to reach Rhodesia in large numbers. Gentlemen, what more do you want?
I know that some of you are worried that it may detract from the dignty of my office for me to sit down and parley with terrorists. Well, first I can assure you that I sit no closer to them than I can possibly avoid and anyway I také very little notice of anything they have to say.
SuLC of appreciate is that these terrorists are actually winning the war. This is rather unfortunate, but it does mean that we are faced with two clear choices: we can either abstain from negotiating a settlement, which ultimately means surrender to the terrorists, or we can try to buy them off.
RECENT Marxist political commentягу on South Africa has been written mainly in exile by Communist Party HeHek. book independent revolutionary, Hirson*, which deals with the 1976 Soweto revolt in terms of the complex inter-relationship of colour and class, is therefore an importani event.
Although the title suggests that it will simply deal with 1976, Hirson's book goes a good deal further. The first half contains a detalied account of the development of the segregated education. system and oppositional movements within it (chapters 1, 2, 3, 5), the growth consciousness movement in the 1970s (chapters 4, 6), the development of the opposition through wave 1971-74 (chapters 7,8), and the immediate lead up to the Soweto's students (chapter 9).
The central five chapters examine the revolt and its effects in the rest of the country, and the final two attempt to analyse the overall effect of black consciousness both on the revolt itself and within the more general history of the opposition.
*Year of Fire, Year of Ash, the Revolt... Roots Resolution (Zed Press. 348pp. £3.95 paperback!.
Sacialist Cleallesge 18 October 1979 things.
Tory. policy on sanctions and that 'Foreign this fragment Irankness wneu The only the eve of the We only stated the simple inconvenient that this administration in more with me.
members have to Baruch 20th century attempts to show 1976 uprisings.
But stress students is unconvincing: known that the throughout black sational structure.
the strike ever, is that the ideas consciousness revolt of forming the revulsion the throughout the land' (p. 277).
African
was of fare more signticance.
jointiy by the the ANC Now, you may be worried that these are rather blondthirsty chaps straight out of the trees and they're not going to be bought. But what you have to remember is that behind them are some rather more civilised types who are a bit more in tune with the way we British do Kaunda, for example, he eats out of Tiny Rowland's hand and can usually be relied on to deliver the goods. And old Nyerere, who wold have expected him to turn up trumps like this? Anyway, if they cause trouble, I'll just remind them that I do also have responsibility for our overseas aid. That usually does the trick.
The other thing you have to remember is that these terrorists can't really make up their minds among themseives. They want to appear reasonable so they're doing their very best to agree to my proposals — and, God knows, I really haven't given much away. I mean, even Muzorewa agrees with them:
Some of their lot are worried they've gone a bit too far along our road. So l just plant a tew press stories about impending splits, get on the blower to Lonrho and wait.
So you see, I really have got the thing fairly sorted out. I'm quite a bright chap really, not that there's much competition. To those who my competence • 1 say introduced the three-day week, then? (Couldn't you find a better example? MT].
You see, the trouble with you lot is you're too damned sentimental. You think I don't care 1 about my kith and kin? Of course I do. It's just that I can see a bit further than the end of my nose. Look at my interests in southern Africa - RTZ, Barclays, Sch... you knów who. Are -you really sugesting that I'm planning to sell anyone out?
What you have to remember is that it is black labour which produces the profits. If black workers are happier when it's a black hand holding the whip instead of a white one, then that's alight That's why I'm a Conservative. 1 realise there are some things more important than the colour of a chap'sskin.
I go along with what Andy Young said on the telly the other night you'd invite to dinner perhaps, but he's got it all up there. He said that the West had the choice of aligning itself with 4m whites in Africa or 400m blacks. It seems to me like common sense. Finally, on lo tne Well, if you want a straight answer all y 9 can say is... [fragment ends] Three crucial themes run through the book, each of which merits some ANC discussion. Firstly, it characterises the black consciousness movement as no more than a logical extension of the petty bourgeois nationalist current that runs. through the history of the opposition, that it had little influence over the development of the UI1 lack of beyond organisational links with the Soweto pupils 1t IS Wel Overclll tried its brief extende operate as far as possible in a way that would enable it to survive banning This meant no tight political/organiWhat does show through, howof black dominant consciousness . of the youth involved. Their identification with these is nowhere more clearly expressed than by the fact that atter Steve Biko's death 'in a wave schools .emptied Related to this is Hirson's attempt to imply that the influence of the National Congress (ANC) example is his statement that the 23 August 'Stay at Home' was organised Representative Council (SSRC) and desperately this: who and so produce not the sort of chap of sanctions.
Isietsi Mashinini's denial that the were involved (he was then SSRC chairperson) is dismissed as "incomprehensible' (Pp. 251-2). the only evidence given for involvement anonymousiy And the ANC's asTured racl. weakness is admitted by implication in the comment (p. 20 chat "ehe struggle • was not laken lno factories or the mines because this was the capabilities of school and there was organisation capable of undertaking such a task'.
The lack of involvement of the workers is the third point stressed by Hirson, and he is correct to emphasise But that there was no way in which 1976 ANC Colle have become revolution without their mobilisation.
It is however contrast the students' that OI experiences in the 1973 strike wave 'took them far consciousness' (p157), or to complain other (p91) that when the Black Peoples' Convention took up solidarity with local events.
the ycal of WOker questionable to development Wolkek WILUSE overthrown beyond...black armed important Was Mozambique •Angola, Soweto revolt?
conclusion In of the struggle in Mozambique it merely denionstrated its inability to relate to Did the students. who fought the armed cops on the streets really have a lower level of consciousness than the who won some economic concessions in overwhelmingly peaceful strikes! Does demonstrating solidarity with a movement that has colonial rule through • strugg e reflect an understanding of the nature of the eneiy that is faced?
‚ 11 nol the example of and still more, Hirson's own admission (p. 167), the defeat of the South African army in that helped to fuel the There is, to sum it up, a disturbing ambiguity about this book. Despite its implied allegiance to the ANC and 'that there litcle likelihood in the future of any purely pcaceful campaign being successful in the face of government intransigence, and political movements which hope to introduce radical changes will have to find military training and military support', Hirson never outlines his own perspective on the luture of the South African revolution.
this sense the book ¿ unfortunately fails to come to terms with its introductory rationalisation ao. z tnat onis a reas understanaię 1976 will help the forces of socialism and liberation'.
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...flay the bastards. Now, in the course 6 6 or the debate some people have suggested
i- roots of a revolution ?