TARIQALI'S description of Kampuchea as neither fish nor fowl seem's quite apt, but only with respect to Kampuchea.
All the states we bracket together as 'deformed workers states' share this designation. So far, wherever capitalist production has been overthrown the form of the state that was toppled with it was not capitalist but some form of pre-capitalist absolutism.
Lenin made this clear with regard to Russia.
It is not surprising, therefore, to find that this political inheritance, in all circumstances, should leave it's mark on the resulting 'workers state'. The absolutist fish mixing with the socialist fowl in fact (Trotsky himself drew attentionto certain resemblances between Stalin and an old fashioned Asiatic despot).
If this notion of a mix is accepted then one which is near vall tish and virtually no fowl is a real possibility in extreme circumstances.
Marx always accepted that when the working class overthrew the capitalist state there would be inherited hangovers from it that would taketime to eliminate. Asno truly capitalist state formation has yet been overthrown we should adjust ideas to account for this. This idea is implicit in the theory of permanent revolution.
Some further points:
Socialism shares with pre-capitalist — but not capitalist — modes of production the fact that it's economic motivation 1s the production of use value not exchange value. The difference is in who uses it.
Another parallel between socialist and, at least some, forms of pre-capitalist states is that neither permit individual private ownership of, at least, the land, which in the pre-capitalist economy is the major means of production.
Within this brief and crude model we can locate Kampuchea and other "deformed workers states'. That is, they will be marked with traces perhaps overwhelming ones, of social formations more primitive and more authorițarian than capitalism. It is always necessary to evaluate each one in actuality before deciding our attitude towards it.
Further, in exceptional circumstances, the overthrow of a. capitalist mode of production may mean, on balance, not a social advance but a retrogression. The exceptional circumstances are most likely to be in areas where the antagonisms between world capitalism and the existing Stalinist states tend to cancel each other out, creating a 'dead zone', free from the usual pressures.
The model might also account for some other bizarre state systems, like Burma, for which we have never had a convincing explanation.
Finally, it would seem that these bizarre social formations could become anyone's pawn, depending on a temporary balance of forces, ana inevitably they are most unlikelyto have anything but a short term esterre.
HUGH LOWE; London W4 IT WOULD be inaccurate to describe the settlement in the engineering industry as a defeat for the workers falthough the port is certainli debatable). However to describe it as a victory as Socialist Challenge did last week is absurd.
What did we gain from this "'victory"? First, in terms of wages, . precisely nothing. The increase in skilled Minimum Time Rate to £73 will benefit only a very smail low paid section of the workers in the industry apart from small increases in overtime Semi-skilled workers in the industry feel particularly grieved since they don't even get the same percentage increase as the skilled workers. The increase in Minimum Time Rates are not even large enough to have a significant effect on local bargaining.
The only material gain, therefore, is a week's extra holiday in four years time, and one hour off the working week in two years' time. Even without any strings this should hardly be lauded as a victory considering that most of the original claim was abandoned during the struggle.
However, there are not only strings but chains attached to the settlement. Rich Palser describes the four year clause as a 'weakness'. No-one should be under the illusion that this is something which will gradually be forgotten about while the workers, filled with confidence, renew the struggle for 35 hours.
The settiement effectively amounts to a deal between the employers and the trade union bureaucracy to jointly oppose any attempt to reduce the working week further within the next four years.
This does not necessarily mean that there will be no such attempt but it does mean that such struggles will remain local and isolated and will face huge obstacles that didn't previously exist. There is a real danger that the settlement will actually defuse the struggle for shorter hours and more holidays.
As far as one hour in two years, is concerned it should be pointed out that shift workers who already work 37½ hours will receive no reduction in working hours at all. That effectively excludes large sectors of the industry.
Undoubtedly, the concession of one hour was an indication that the employers were weakening. That was precisely the point at which the morale of the workers was raised and the possibility of an all-out onslaught to win the full claim seemed real. That was also the point that Duffy chose to call off the struggle.
The fact is that Duffy stabbed us in the back at just the right time for the employers. It is scandalous that Socialist Challenge actually quotes the man who put the knife in as their own assessment of the impact of the settlement.
Statements such as "The membership go back to work full of confidence that their action won a decisive breakthrough on hours' cond oniv be written by someone wno viewed the struggle from the windows of Socialist Challenge offices.
To the thousands of workers who are pissed off at having gained so little atter two months of struggle. lt doesn't seet quite like that.
RON THOMPSON; AUEW shop stewards, Sheffield IT was very nice to leaf through the 6 Sept. issue of Socialist Challenge to find that you had reprinted my article on women in the Hollywood cinema. When it was first printed in Canada during the summer, it sparked off a you as well.
I had been too hard on Norma Rae. They pointed out that the very existence of the film, laundered as it might be, was a victory for socialistpositive indeed. Some people even thought that I underestimated or ignored positive aspects of the struggle portrayed in the film itself. impression that I thought Norma Rae negative in overall terms. Many working women saw the film (working men as well) and recognised own best desires and capacities.
However, I don't think that I overestimated the revisionist screening of the film. The obscuring of issues — such as women organising, extreme violence, indeed armed, and the problems of bureaucratic mis-leadership—I believe to have been quite purposefül. test this hypothesis in the near future. made Harlan County USA, is in the process of making a film about the real Norma Rae, a textile worker in the JP Stevens mills and the bitter struggies fought there. We shall be able to test the reality of the different versions (and visions) -- one class struggle feminist, the other Hollywood capitalist, one documenting reality, the other fictionalising it.
Second, the particular line of criticism I took towards the films I reviewed came under some scrutiny. lave to have political' content? Should we always judge films by "political' criteria?
Isn't there an element of censorship implied, which leads to supporting socialist-realism as the favoured 'art form', ultimately leading to denying the important and and in revolutionary societies?
Every society has its own among other important things, the political character of that society. "l'his is what alows usto analvse art — whether films, paintings. politically as well as shall we say, poetically — the use of image, symbol, metaphor, form.
live by politics alone. In fact films the nature of life situations and issues contronting human beings have scenarios conspiciously devoid of and words like patriarchy and capitalism.
for review, especially the feminist ones, were consciously conceived in political terms, by both creators and producers. They owe their existence lo ine woman s movement. Lake wise Blue Collar, FIST and Norma Rae owe their existence to the growing presence of the working class in the US today.
thanks.
Canada rather lively exchange of views, two of which I though I would just pass on to First, a number of people felt that feminists, and that its impact was very I certainly did not mean to give the Films No 11)
in Norma Rae's fight and vitality their We shall have an opportunity to obscenity Barbara Koppel, the woman who the 'earth people'.
Worker 13 Oct] against its rule.
separate role art must play both today particular culture which is shaped by, used and disposed.
dance — But this does not mean that all art should have a political subject matter.
Heaven help us! Human beings do not death', the which are successful in really showing things like demonstrations, meetings, But the films which I singled out paranola.
we face.
ROBERT KRUM In this sense I think it fair and necessary to judge them on the basis of the criteria suggested by the movements to whom they owe VARDA BURSTYN, Quebec, The Alien' stinks *I WAS doing this whole bloody thing as a vagina [inside the alien ship], going right through. And at the bottom is this membrane. It'slike я virgin. I was going to have him [an earth man si the membrane and then gas or air or whatever would come wafting out.' [Ridley Scott, Alien director, interview in Fantastic •Yes, the 'alien' stinks. It's the same social stigma, the same label of repulsion as "blacks stink' and 'women stink', the 'bad' odour of otherness. Weask, who is the 'alien'? Street, "I wanted to use these sort of characters from the Sudan, very tall, very black and very strong people... the man who played the alien, a fellow called Balagi, looked exactly like that.' (R. Scott, as above)
Scott, motivated by 'insecurity' wants to make films of 'staggering in Heavy Metal magazine. He wants "fantasy' to become reality'. He wants the audience to 'identify' with The 'alien' in the film is "blasted to fuck' by Ripley! Woman is hero -sole survivor! Alien it 'seems possible' is splendidly subversive'! (see Socialist Challenge 4 Oct) Where woman functions with freedom'!
IMU Alien 'a tremendous film'! [Socialist For our left reviewers Scott has achieved his ambition - fantasy has become reality. By'describing' our aspirations in a fantastic form, by playing with our fears and prejudices, imperialism attempts to divert attention away from the real struggles Woman in Alien is not only 'star', but bitch, griper, mother, cool, hard, liberated, intuitive, whore. She becomes an ultimate symbol, she is anything to anybody. To beidolised, Black man in Alien is a moaner, a cheat, stupid and disposable.
The 'alien' is the black, powerful, phallic/vaginal, raping and butchering, terrorist monster. He/she is the hidden' parasite in the social host, the 'great plague', the 'black 'evil' within, devil, yes, the very 'fuck' in hell. It's 'filthy" communism, it's the nation wreckers.
Alien, the film, is for immigration controls, to stop the 'rot. It is for mass mobilisation of labour in defence of imperialism. It is for buckle down, productivity up. Alien is for national, racial and sexual The sophistication of the capitalist this social relationship has to be understood. The spirit of solidarity must not blind us to the real dangers RICHARD KRUM London SE10 summer because or the lunchtime the week before publication write arrive ov rniady ABERDEEN: SC sold Saturdays outside C&A - for more info phone Colin, 57406 ABERDEEN: SC BATH: SC on sale at 1985 Books more info phone BRIGHTON: For more info phone Nick, BRISTOL: SC on sale 11-1, 'Hole in Ground"
Haymarket. For more info contact Box 2, c/o Fullmarks, 110 Cheltenham Road, Montpellier, BRADFORD: SC available from Fourth Idea Bookshop, 14 Southgars CUTANLE available Wedge EDINBURGH: SC on sale every Sat, Princes 12.30-2.00 Niddry stree EDINBURGH: meeting on Nicaragua, Tues 30 • Spencers des ce ui bull and e cards Trades Council Room GRAVESEND: SC HACKNEY: SC meeting on Zimbabwe, Thur l OLDHAM: SC group ano kule.
Herne Hill BR klosk, High St.). Also on sale Sat 11-1, and Thur/Fri morningsat Brixion tube TRADE : UNION | Fractions: 3/4 Nov. NALGO: 10 Nov. CPSA; 17 Nov details write to Centre or phone 01-359 8371 Sales drive THIS week's Socialist Challenge carries six pages on the struggle for abortion rights and women's liberation.
weekend of the TUC In the sponsored demonstration against the Corrie Bill such extensive coverage is not just a political necessity, it gives increased opportunities for sales of the paper.
With such coverage where should . concentrate? obvious answer is at the demonstration itself, on the coaches, at meetings of the Campaign Against Corrie and the National Abortion Campaign Kut wille such sales shond be promoted remember the main aim of our coverage on womens' liberation both in this and other weeks is to take the issues into the broad working class movement. We want to insist that the struggle for women's rights is part of the struggle working class generally and tha1 the male dominated labour movement should see it as such.
So this week, especially because of the emphasis in the paper on womens' rights, make a special effort to sell the paper at factory gates and at meeting demonstration and the coverage in week's gives us an anrivalled opportunity to insist that liberation "periphera issue for the working class, but that it is central. Take that opportunity and increase the sales of Socialist Challenge while you are doing so.
Socialist Challenge 25 October 1979 Page 13
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