By C A Udry TWO MONTHS after the overthrow of Somoza, Barricada published declaration What are the CDSes? — the eyes and ears of the revolution'.
The Sandinista defence committees [CDSes] are the extension of the civil defence commuttees appeared after September 1978 and took on a range of functions during the insurrection.
This movement towards organisation is one of the distinctive features of the revolutionary upsurge in Nicaragua. encouraging the strengthening of the CDSes, which 1s in Nicol stress on the *workers and peasants to power assemblies, demonstrations, and CDS wall newspapers. Tasks Four important tasks are assigned the CDSes: to defend revolution by ensuring the mobilisation of to sabotage, Somozaist attacks, etc.; to assist in resolving the and economic unity health measures, organisation consolidate the mass organisations... to achieve the aims of the revolution, to move towards popular power'.
Intercontinental Press combined i b THE full text of the Barricada article outlining the role of the Sandinista defence committees is reprinted in the latest issue the Intercontinental Press/Inprecor (Vol 17, No 39). Other articles include an analysis of the rising Ilass moycient in Brazil and an interview with a Fiat worker in Turin.
Individual copies cost 30p plus 10p post, but subscriptions work out much cheaper at fli for a year (48 issues), £6 for six months (24 issues), 0 weeks. should be made out to 'Intercontinental Press' and sent to: IP/I, PO Box 50, London N1 2XP.
Socialist Challenge 1 November 1979 daily September], entitled:
which popular mass slogan in and constitute the In major combat council; coordinated most pressing council. The capital, problems The mass have.
unfolding revolution outside their structures.
tion weekiy advance of the revolution.
looking to its weapons.
in the chamber Cheques/POs institutions.
A CDS is organised for every few blocks. CDSes of a neighbourhood form a coordinating committee with democratically elected members Sandinista neighbourhood committee [CSB].
centres there s coordination of the CBs through a these again of municipal Managua, currently divided into tour zones.
of the population petty continuously turn to the CDSes resolve their immediate problems of food and housing. towards "They're the ones in charge', people say, which reflects the power they But at the moment they can only Prensa, act on the municipal level. Choices and decisions on the big economic, social and political questions — which will largely determine the future of the are posed Their coordination and centralisanational scale would therefore be a maior assurance of the are Faced with this strengthening of mass organisation, the bourgeoisie is Cruz, It has important economic power, in a bourgeois state which still gives legal protection to private property. Organised in employers' associations, of commerce industry, itis seeking direct aid from the banks, imperialist governments, and venous international financia In so doing the capitalists aim to recoup their strength and negotiate their participation in 'reconstruction' in such a way that private property is maintained and the state sector is turned in the medium term towards servicing the private sector.
In this struggle the bourgeoisie is supported by the bosses' associations Central America [which recently], by the bourgeoisies of Latin America, and by imperialism. also seeking to forge links with the bourgeoisie, notably hetter-off sections of the peasantry, Some imperialist aid has been directed strengthening this social The bourgeoisie controls the most important naner In and has the support of the Catholic hierarchy. It has launched a political party, the Social Democratic Party, with the backing of German democracy [and deutschmarks!].
The bourgeoisie has important posts in the coalition government. The Economist [29 September] rightly comments: 'The economic portfolios mostly held by reassuringly moderate industrialists and bankers.' The central bank is headed by Arturo whose links the imperialist financial institutions are well known.
Certainly, at the moment, the strategic decisions of this government are subordinate to those of the FSLN leadership. The bourgeoisie, having lost all control over the army, is in a very weak position for organising a counter-offensive:
The relation of social forces arising out insurrection, like self-organisation of means that the pack to me wau. Inis is me particular expression dual •Nicaragua today. Counter-attack The bourgeoisie is in no position, therefore, to make any rapid moves. It has to rely on its economic power, presence in the government in order to try to hold back radical measures and gain a breathing space to recompose its forces.
In a context of growing crisis, the bourgeoisie believes that it can extend base counter-attack reducing the role of the popular power and replacing them with bourgeois parliamentary institumet It is the popular the degree .of the bourgeoisie has its power in masses conflicts and its SUUUUrLe inevitable split forcefully, directed towards imperialist of against which and The economic and social crisis, the reluctance of the capitalists to invest without guarantees [of their profits]; • ne sabulage anu speculatiol, the urgent and unsatisfied demands of the can only stimulate capitalist mobilisations. This is what is happening in any case: numerous are breaking out in the factories and private farms.
revolution must lead to a confrontation between the bourgeoisie and its allies and the working masses who fight under the leadership of the FSLN; and an inside the coalition government between the contradictory social forces which make it up:
Any advance of the revolution will also place on the agenda, still more the danger intervention, a threat the whole workers movement of the imperialist countries Latin America must be FELLER
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Photo: THE MILITANT GAYS