AT it's conference leading up to the World Congress the International adopied a number position of the United Secretariar. These can be summarised as follows:
In the words of a Sandinista leader, overthrown Somoza, but the revolution only must begun. dictatorship may political power doesn't just. barrel of a gun.
reparte of the coolismy in the has st of large part or ine economv in the hands imperialist and anti-Somoza bourgcoisie has economic organisations such as the Chamber associations.
Prensa, radio stalloils.
Catholic hierarchy, and government.
This gives rise to a situation of dual power, in which the decisive confrontation has yet 10 bulle Any inevitably entails a clash with the bourgeoisie, born intermany and externaly. I is •tor this clash that the prepare.
Government From this characterisation of the situation as one of dual power flows the need to fight for a workers and peasants government. government would base authority from the mass organisations of the toilers and the oppressed. It's objective would be the favourable resolution of the situation of dual power through a victory of the workers' and peasants organisations over the remaining capitalist bastions.
The tasks of such a workers' and peasants' government would involve the centralisation of the Sandinista Defence Committees and so on, bullang youth organisations, arming generalison of workers control, working out through workers' militias, a national economic plan and so on.
The present Government Reconstruction is not such a government. It is a bourgeois Marxist Group ot amendments to the 'We have has he armed forces have been destroyed, bul.
grow from the The of Commerce and employers It has the main daily paper La support a presence in the revolution Nicaraguan masses have to measures Such a itself and derive its revolution.
women's capitalist of the masses land reform, aware that clash of National coalition government involving 'We can't give the FSLN a blank cheque.' bourgeois ministers. Whilst this government has not acted as an obstacle to the radical proposed by the leadership as •eL. WY C presence of such forces within the government.
The bourgeois ministers have been given an authority quite out of keeping with their actual role in the class struggle through their presence in the government. hey. act with imperialism, using the threat of witholding cooperation, finance and aid to hold back the . At the first opportunity they will try to split off forces from the FSLN to build a counter-evoluuonary base Whilst reject the slogans sectarians who today shout. "down government' 'Out capitalist ministers' we must the fight for peasants' government will inevitably involve a the bourgeois forces This happened in Cuba, where capitalist ministers . Sandinista cannot support the and costly error.
had sided with them.
the forces that revolution, but with the the be continually regimes. workers' and in the Party exactly were also püt in office after Castro's victory over Batista. At the time leaders of the Fourth International were clear that this was a 'grave The capitalist ministers had to be driven out by mass mobilisations, along with a section of the guerilla movement that The best defence against counter-revolution made the revolution, masses overthrew murderous Somoza dictatorship.
It is correct to note the massive material aid the policy of the Cuban Icadership over the last period has been one of radical bourgeois Such a policy which rejects a break with the bourgeoisie, would be fatal for the Nicaraguan revolution.
Whilst the FSLN has led the revolutionary overthrow of Somoza and pushed through a property will have its place.
forces is the capitalism. it cheque nationalist denalt organised in the FSLN.
British Comrades series of radical measures, it has not declared that its goal is socialism. In fact the programme of the Reconstruction Government is for an anti-Somocista revolution, in which private The FSLN is today a centrist current which those supporting popular front alliance with the bourgeoisie, to revolutionary forces seeking the overthrow o is true that we can't say advance what limits there are to the evolution of the FLSN, but nor can we give them a blank It is this which makes vital the construction of a revolutionary democracy centralist party by the FSLN, in which militants of the Fourth International would also take their place as a tendency. The Fourth International's position reflecting the interests of the workers and poor peasants lead to the stablishment of a workers state based or organisations of the masses and are therefore fully in accord with the aims of revolutionaries
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The Revolution has only just begun