New gods are climbing into the party pantheon. A large number of party members are trying to cxorcise the embalmed body of Leninembalming Ciramsci as an alternative.
BREZHNEV From the opposite quarters of the party, the neo-Stalinists are brandishing touched-up pictures of Brezhnev. The middle-of-the-roaders come forth of Dimitroy as a POL LEEL unifying figure. And the brash young idcologues on the right of the Party are busy painting a portrait which bears an unmistakeable likeness to Kautsky.
In these anniversary celebration! are becoming a symbol of division within the CPGB. Many members must feel a twinge of nausea when they realise that the demonstrators in Moscow are unable to read a truthful account of the event they are celebrating. They are denied even a half-way accurate history of the Bolshevik Party: just last month the Soviet authorities spain informed us that the Bolshevik WTO •led revolution in Moscow Bukharin - was rightly shot as a mad dog imperialist agent.
FALSIFICATION Other members of the British party will be similarly sickened as they realise that their own leaders are paying homage to 1917 while, at the samne time, they have completely repudiated the lessons of October. For members who retain the Revalution as their special historical possession, the greatest irony is that chose who reject Stalinist falsification about the Bolsheviks and the revolution, and adhere to the revolution's basic message: soviet power - arc oulside the CPGB's ranks altogether. These people. the International and in other sations of the revolutionary left. by Such dismal thoughts about the Diamond Jubilee are a foretaste of a gloomy Congress. This has been a bad year for the Communist Party, The party's fortunes have continued to decline. An internal crisis has emerged marked by factionalism, breaches of discipline, and a split. the MEMBERSHIP DOWN Sid French, leader of the break-away New Communist Party old-timers, membership of the CPGB has sunk 10 12,000. No more than half are regularly active, according to French Morning Star sales continue to slump with a loss of 2,000 daily copies this the year. Editor Tony Chaper Nikolai paper's expected deficit ar E187,000.
The Young Communist League is Stle more dian shadow of its former self, Jimmy Reid, John Tocher and other important leaders have left the party recently. Parte of the CP has been siriking: 18 candidates polled 30,089 votes lo the 1959 general clection. But in the Last election, 29 candidates could only total 17,426 votes, Of course all is not woe In the fortunes of the Communist Party Articles in fortnightly discussion bulletin, reported the largest number of CP delegares to the TUC this year; che election of three CP members on the TUC General Council, and of Joc Whelan to the secretary in the Nottingham area of the Fourth miners" union. organi- But the influence of the CPOB at the base of the unions hus The Party's servative Students.
of Stalinist that paid-up women's puts the The electoral Draft.
LARGER VOTES reverse. the party's have position of gencrai and Belgarde never been weaker, The 'stop-go' policy pursued -based on a waiting for the lefts strategy - has thrown the Broad Left formations in the unions into deep crisis. Similar problems have met the party in the student field. The challerige of the revolutionary groups has been warded off only through an alliance with the Federation of ConIt is true that the party has made important gains amongst intellectuals. To the lasting shame of the revoluwar" tionary left, the CP has been able to present a face of theoretical debate, IT contrast to the coonomisin of most of the far left. A layer of women from the liberation movernent has been attracted to this face of the CP. But the new Draft to be adopted at the Congress has made clear just how Irrelevant the party treats the views of these women. These new recruits have provided little more than a theoretical fig leaf to the reformist thrust of the The signs of decline in the party appear under conditions where mem bers were led to expect quite the The supposed allie party from the 1960s — Labour and trade union lefts like Fool, Seanlon and Jones - got their hands on strong levers of political power with Labour's election in 1974. The global policies of ise Sovier leadership for peaceful co-existence and a European Security Conference have born fruit in Helsinki The world capstalist system is in crisis — offering the CP a chance to make comparisons with the of the party's forces in a number of unions. The tens of thousands of workers who have cast their voles for union candidates with policies to the left of the CP present a growing challenge the traditional hold of the party in industry.
Party members have begun to ask brutal questions. Why does the end of the Cold War and the onset of a deep capicalist crisis lind the party plunging Into further decline? Why is it thai after CP militants played a leading role in almost every single one of the great struggles of the late 60s and carly 70s, the policies pursued have brought no overall gains whatsoever? Why have the characters on the Labour left promoted by the party for years been ready and able to preside over the biggest cut in living standards sance the FUNDAMENTAL QUESTIONS Why does the long standing relationship between the Party and the Soviet leadership give nothing but problems for the party? Why does the ultra-left" grow while the party stagnates? Why does the parly get annihiliated at the poll the face of these fundariental questions, no new ideas have been advanced by the party leadership. The sane old routinist phrases have ap peared in the same enthusiastic and uplifting tone of voice that has become the hall-mark of the exccutive committee: "the new, exciting opportunities... build left unity. boost the Morning Stur..seb the new pamphier.pusn forward the price petition...
Resenteat has bred amongst rank and file party members from this kind of response. The discussion pages of Conmenr tell a story of growing frustration among the more outspoken members. Then — at the beginning of this year — came the straw that broke the hackbone of internal unity: the New Draft programme
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in Revolution isave. Now on sale. 16 pages of a le Russian Revolution Illustrated by David King's pe, PO Box 50, London NT. within the Western European CPs can be easily traced against this background. These be in the drive by the Soviet buremucracy itself forge alliances with the European Second or War. The Popula Proer the before and antomodation to total deat accomodation democracy.
athordinate the interests of thie workers in the West to the diplomatic manouevres of the Soviet State.
Exactly the same policy was tried between 1943 and 1947 in Western Europe: When the Cold War was burchucracy pushed the Western CPs to adopt "leftist? tactics break the European bourgoolsics from the USA. But in no late 19245 ine sovier leadership again returned to a line of thorough-going class collaboration in Western Europe.
The leaderships of the Western CPs have their own particular interests distinet from those of the Soviet bureaucracy to defend always only a means lo an end for the Soviet PULSERIO But for the leaderships of the Western CPs it became an end in itself.
The Soviet bureaucracy was not interested in the Western CPs winning power. It was the Westem bourgeoisies. And when it hegan lo appear possible that some Western CPr particularly pleasing prospect trom the vantage point of Moscow.
There is every he bourgoisie better when the latter's awn chosen leaders are firmly in power.
POLITICAL INFLUENCE But the most important question Westent CP leaders are concerned with is increasing the political influcnice of their Moscow's class collaborationist line was purco or toc saban, reenco amd britisa parties with that aim in view. During the last the objective interests Western CP leaders and the Soviet bureautrasy huve therefore diverged.
the lesder Eins of the Wister CP: increasingly convinced that they should no have to remain silent about the violationt of КОММУНИЗМ (10p p&p]democratic rights in the Fast. This conviction enormously aller In response Moscow stimulated divisions within the Westers CPs. The paradoxical Itsull is Mascoa's readiness to use lefi sounding phrases to try to disrupt che internal life of the Western CP:
Moscow's broader and broader colnhorafion with the bourgoois foroes against which the Western CPs "The lein current side the CP is not a break from Stalinism. It is an expression of obeside of Stalinist tactic Soviet been subordinate in Western Europe sincetbe leadership of the CPGB is also a current which can trace its lineage back ultimately to the new Draft does not differ from the thrust of the 1951 programme which was vetted by Stalin personally.
The bartle between the two trends inside Le Crud nas raised a great cell or anterest among revolutionary Marxists outside Lle Dar, Large numbers Di socialist mincant have steered clear of the CP, but have not alternative at the present time. Many are revolutionary possibility that eiber trend inside the party hasstarted tobreak with the past and come up revolutionary alternative co social deino cratic reformist?
If the answer to this question is "yes", we would be on the chreshold of an important advance for the Marxist moveneat in this Druft must number at militants — incuding the ranks of the NCP. And the Eurocommunist foroes in the party are even larger Both currents contain very experienced socuss i cuner wing wos real swinging towards revolutionary Marxise a comp realignment of the left in Britain would be are Congress could be remembered as a historic turning point for the better The ideological keniet of both wings -points of agreement laner coberence with UNBRIDGEABLE GULF ideological TE TanSION CO SOCIAL unattractive terminology.
exactly what they THOSE CAESAL democracy in general.
runming throush the various struggle the term monopoly of taster Europe and he Usi NEW STATE proletarian democracy, by apparatus lacement hy a nee council, Еле писІСцЯ Communise Party.
the invasion of primacy of the self-activity class in the transition to socialism, lonzons of bourgeois democrac At the same time, communist conceptions current in ne Why has the idealogical crisis CPs not produced a return to Marxist conceptions?
Other pressures cannot be overlooked DEMOCRATIC RIGHTS lictatorship in the USS radical break with che viahit masses can Jdicas for.
Hierarchical, bureaucratic form state ischi with the other institutions I thousand advanced socials in t USSE their fundamcatal ideas about the transition • must be assessed toanswer this Formal. guestion Has hot chough to hod isolated with revolutionary Marxist politics and hope for the best about the rost. The voveroine idcas ol cach curren Stalinism - theideas thar give each particular point an other aspects of The battle-field between the two tenden cies were basic ideas are concentrated is the debate around she concept of the dicratorship of the proletariat. Here both tendeocies have lo give a concentrated expression to their fundamental views on the transition to voters and activiste to wo inescapable facts appear, First, ther an unhridgeable gulf betwoes tbe tw insofar as cach maintains completely from the other. Secondly, both not the endencies share a cummon rejection of th undamental ideas of classical Marxism o The Eurocommunists reject the concept of the dictatorship of the proletariat. Some WHO ICO UNCHS, IS TO MISLE BITTEE bourgeoisie if need he That tractive terminings. be bolder ther some rather HANG COIN THE SOULS SODE ERECOR are They are replacing the struggle for the dietarorship of struggle Whatever form Thisis evident in the new Draft. Butitisnot the matter is expressed when the Draft states 'common threat leading role The other wing of the party proclaims its 'dictatorship of the roletarial. Hut it interners the term to mean a State where a monolithic party bolds a political power, able to use torce arturarily against its poutical oppo sents. In other words, the dictatorship of proletariat means the political reality of [ the dictatorshin of tl proletariat developed by Marx and Lenin. a decisive choice. and embraced by revolutionary Marxists today. This means the dictatorship as a definition en the the old THE DuENTICEIT The is rei or be he sate the worse representative democracy in which a plurality of political precise thines: the aw Forthe Eurocommunists the nucleus of the bureaucratic parliamentary state of bourge ois society. For the opponents of tbe new of the new enshrined in the Brezhney Constitution: the decision politically So both wings reject the idea thar the crux of the struggle against capitalism is the fight to make the working class the class which tioning, Both reject tbe of the working confined to parliament which extends beyond the appears ke utopian anarchism to the Eurocon tbese plilars.
The vision offered by their opponcots is in many respects a regression from the political mains won by the working class under capitalism. Only a lormalistic attachment to names could lead one to interpret their basic relink ine in feel years in the Wett maverient stands LASSICS has the main trend been lowards social-democralic 1dcas on on the transition to socialism? This is often explained as a straightforward capiculation to the pressures of boured socily. Those must give pressures have undoubtedly been strong. But definite political form embodying a higher mentary In its own way, lie Eurocommunists Jeblogical position masks the bureaucrat A thorougl twin challense recessary it a classical Marxist approach is to be adopted. All the democratic rights legally higher political a man can Tale eris in 12 exercise rem . is a rouchstone of a workers" state. And the state machinery itself would no longer have a left government.
It would have a pogular character - even in the bed: of army, police, and the legal apparatus. The would be witbering away - along of bumanity s revolutionary Marxism. pre-history — like the family, the division between mental and manual labour, and so Bur, by making their goal the strugele for democrucy in general, the Eurocommunists debate avoid the head-on ideological confrontation with the Soviet reality which classica Marxism requires. A return to Mars and such an analysi hallast of the Soviet bureaucracy out of the water. Nothing would be left of the talk o The Parocommunists can presently simply Page ill advance on the existing political reality tbere, bet an utterly superficial challenge te PARLIAMENTARY MAJORITY Views on the dictatorslipof tbe proletariat current's entire concertion Of the nature of the stucet against capitalism and theroleof the workin lass. Contemporary social democrats see th instrumentto introdopesocialism. Forthem. the role of the working class is reduced to That's bow the preconditions for socialism • large perliamentary majority are achieved according to social democrats the work of the transition as being carried out by the Party working class, bor the bourgeois State All and sundrv will ne maninuinred re service of the bearer mate retin the class.
carers of absolute truth, the The party may use violence against the It may even use terminology of Stalinism - against enemie within the working class, It may engage in CHECHEC THE WHER BE BuT geois state apparatus, or even within the mass organisations of the workers movement of struggle the party more than an adjunct to the party. brezhneviles assien to the worcers the dirt work for the great glory of the party an Eurocommunistsalso reject the idea of the primacy of the creative setf-activity of the working masses in the struggle for socialism. WHAC WERE SAMN OILTS THE MAD Brezhnevites, their formulations do not have a dear, unambiguous character. They talk the struggle in and around parliament for a eft majority and a left goverament; and th ressure of the mass movement corsi Yet all historical experience shows chat when capitalism plunges into a revolutionars It will be fighting both terrains. but it must he clear which i the working class on this question all is lost.
works within the twin pillars of bourgeois legality and power:
detends individua the property rights against the masses; it take the capitalist cconomy out of the politica arena and makes working class challeng to private property criminal matters to be Represenacive demo masses from political The active only complete the military bureaucratics state machine: voting, petlobbying parading lines of police-all this is the sum total of mas politics the real struzcle must b Yet, in every single revolutionary crisis, one mass have darecuy chanenged bout They have shaken capitalist proper with control commit up: amons, workers control committees, fence pickets against police attacks, etc They have also burst through the bureaucr alic integument of representative demo This is what the e mass movement b o bourgoos legaury and parliamentar legirimacy stand on one side and the mas on the other. In this division lies the decisive question of clas power The counter revolution fights the sogan "individual freedom and demo must the workers" movement give?
this mass self-activity a -workers council autbority than "CO! cramped democracy of capitalisio; in order to undermine the dominance pi paris authotityit must prepare advance che transitional objective or the use parliamentary strength to devclop these What do the Eurocommunists do? They reject the need to give the mass moverbent form than parliament.
They relent transional demands Lor Чтmediate and democratic ones inovement suhordinated to this task. The Iogic of this programme is an accomodation to counter Meete in the directen an the CP will evolve in the direction Resurgence of Marxist Many Marxises may be dissatisified with which leaves matters here. And they will be right. The analysis althout regaine much amender. le without requiring much amendment. Over the last decade there has boen one very SOCIALIST CHALLENGE SUPPLEMENT 10 November bie chanse insidethe Communist Parter ther has been a resurgence of Marxist debate great deal of positive theoretical work o valie to the revolutionary Marist lest ha I guard of Stalinis ideologues of the Klagman-Berty Matthew variety cannot be given muth credit for this development. It would be more accurate to the influx of Marxist ideas from outside the Party, The last decade has seen a tremendous Britain — a resuti of the twin ideologicel rises of bourgeois thought and Stalinism intellectani rey at has been the journal No The main Left Review. And the Communist Part much to the dismay of the people lik Fergus Nicholson, has opened its door to a very large numher of Marxist intellectual These intellectuals are not at all attracted hy the CP's Stalinist pedigree. Olier factors to discussion, its implactation in the working and af alternatives. Thechoice seems to bean utterh THESE ABOUT RESIDES DEEDE TIME Statesman and Tribune or a Teatskyist lef still heavily marked by sectarianismo, In the late 1960, Tratskyis groups chibited genuinely ultra-left tend in the prevailing atmosphere of WOMEN'S MOVEMENT Nowhere has the CP' snew openness and its than in the movensent. The Communist -Parly breakthraugh. In debates on the questions of women's liberation — as well as in socie others — the militants of the revolutionary ofthe ideological Lifeoftbe P governing canceptions of the Eurocommu libere are many views in the CP on the streagth in conditions where so much of the debate on left as a whole is really very new. Within this diversity, one current of opinio has become Increasingly pronounced: the view that since the overthrow of capitalism of women, the struggle for liberation can be treated largel problems of i the atruggle for working clas:
The key activity hecomes the exposure of domination in capitalise society. Politically this entails the fight for women's rights anc attitudes in the working clas. The need to struggle democratise and reform the division Labour within the family is also included.
ESCOTICE conquest of poser by the working class doe not automatically usher in the liberation of will be a massive: anc protracted light against the poisonau deological baggage of the previous mode of production — not kast within theranks ol the workers themselves. Such a battle will have 1c be led by the mass organisations of the women's movement itsell.
SOCIALIST FEMINISTS This means that socialist feminists should be clearly defined within the present women's HACTABE movertent respecting democracy, but nevertheless arguing for tbe movement to aim its mass actions cowards a united light for women's liberation movement on the part of the working class movement as a whale The nature workers sai Jor wach we are go hecomes a burning issue for the struggle for wotien's. liberation, acoordug to l approac This is where the connection is eviden between the discussion on woren's libera the Euroconmubists. Instead of spelling out the radically new type of workers scare against women's oppression, new Druft offers a vision which does not CALEND ECHOIN DOES DAL.
The Draft singles out one specific feature of women's oppression their inck fundamental prohlems of women can be dealt with through a series of retorios to with an ideological struggle against sexism The Draft mentions the role of women in th family structires oppressive relations betweeti isen and women The objective of abolishing the family and the social proconditions to do so — are ¿latingly abseet. Instead the perspective is to within a still existing institution of the family, REJECTS MARISM The ideological root of this evasion lies in rejecting the classical Marxist conception o through the witheringaway of the state and the bourgeois family, and replacing it with a conception of ibe strugale for democracy in general.
Party one one in on alone in the eaten ner air lete in ad as older on the the durian te aesountable to their militant base. Today Congress of the Communist Party do not composed of such routinist figures as Ten The dialectical relationship between the conquest of power by the working class and for women's liberation is A reduction of both to horizons of an absiract democracy is all that remains.
A similar pattern appears when the Draft the relationshin between women's liberation movement and the current struggle against capitalism. This dialectical link is also broken by many CP women who leap from the truth that the beration of women will not be automatic, so ine falschood that liberation movement should be a broad movement of cultural and struggle separated from the postical problems of the struggle for struggle agninst sexism to perform a deft theoretical trick. They for the whole itself. part of the whole First, the rale of the women's liberation I banned. Then references to Gramsci belp to declare that the fundamental struggle in the fight for socialism is not the political struggle, but this ideological struezie.
IDEOLOGICAL POWER ower is not in the end decisively a political.
women's liberation movement is abscured assimilated to their neo-reformist project.
There is a double-sided reality Marxist debates within the CPGB today.
vital questions as the oppression of women and the family raises important issues which revolutionary Mars.
outside the Party have not tackled.
On the other side, the closer these debates touch the real ideolorical hackbone of the Eurocommunist oublook, the more they are contained and diluted to fit conceived aradualist schema. The political implications of this ideological containment are not always obvious in the practice of a small party like the CPGB.
They become a good deal clearer in the operatione Eurocommanists" men for, the Italian Communist Party, In Italy the concrete meaning of the struggle for altar of "democratic ah the Christian Democracy, It Party on the streets - defying the positions of their party's leaders.
The Line of the CPGB The real strategic conception of Eurocommunis inclined leadershin of the CPGB, subordinates the mass movement to the struggle for a left government with a nar stochloEs malors, Everything else ts in with this conception. The CP replaces a ser of transitional demands fot the movement with a mixture assorted gos ernment reforms, and democratic demands for the mass moveBILLS.
The party muddles the issue of class unit in action with political relations with lett Revolutionary Marxists struggle for united action of the entire class round every Issue. however tween team anions the cracy within the Draft.
STRATEGIC CONCEPTS However, women's ideological More inpenious Eurocommunist theorists tation of the strategic line?
ideological in the trade union field have substituted a sovement is reduced to a purely cultural the same way that its operations do in th with the In Place of Strife uproar In the cnd, Labour had For these Eurocommanists, bourgeois section of its cabinet. The Tory government tate power, but an ideological power. So richts of trade unionist mowerment is munancousy the entire campolen assinst the Industrial in the conspiracy laws used to balding workers bickers In every one played a Communist Party ille called The Liaison the pre LACK OF MILITANCY?
Charge doe volved in th advance" and unity forced were given by Costmunist Parts strategy for socialism?
Communist the sents the history of chis namely the one laid down by mass wing of the Party.
Immediate and The Party bad two broad out the unions for a definite programme of immediate.
one-dimensional - beand right. And programmatic mass organisations - - and in the course of the mass strugle of applied in different ways tactically, Where party some leeway in its relations with th union leaderships? What has heen the executive committee's interpreThe answers to these questions are found - IN LOCUS DILI does on the electoral front or in its general base political work puts to the test its politics in In the mid-1960s the leadership of Britain's two biggest unions swung to the left. Scanion and Jones rose to power. The Labour Government attempted to quatlaurely weaken toe trage union movement thanks to appetite From the reind a make returned with a concerted atlack on the Great battles followed → the miners' strike, the fight to free the Pentonville Five.
Relations Act, and the fight against the Rail Shrewsbury of these struggles, CP leading part, and many, they plaved the Codine bat. T created rank co-ordinating hody Committee for the Detence ol ine trade Unions - ls conferences at the end of the 1960s and in the considerable support from the shop floor leaders throughout the trade union moveThe CP is sometimes criticised for lack of beft. apply to CP members struggle against the Tory government These attacks rightly produce good deal of contempt when they reach the ears of Communist shop floor militant (althouch these some meitsels bove seen loo many ex-Cocamunists pass through the party on the way to soft seats at the top).
The Teal issue is not the mitsics or to CP trade unionists, but the direction they King Street. How did the SCCR transform the victories won in mass struggle into long term gains foe the entire left? Hon did it link these mass struggles to the overall preitsell. This is never the case. There are always opton and real rensions seemed to bave developed over the choices made, between the Party unions. leadership and sections of the industrial which choices. It The could have develored the LODIE icta a structured rank and file movement throughnot substituting for measures lo defend trade union rights and working class AUCHA TH HITCRUS battle. ideas the sance aped by sation and one e reason explains why: the stance adoptee Act. In its initial stages they were happy to see the LCDTU stick its neck out and start he mohilisations. Such Jefts were abso prepared to help case the restrictions on CP members occupying leading positions in occasions, and to say a few kind words conduct its attains in Ireland accept an open beted and to tatue of the l They were not, however, movement within their union that recruit new supporters and extend thei come an independent power-centr contains become more pole And the lefts can quite quickly find the relations with thei i militant base turned levers, they could be several constituency parties have begun to their MPS accountable to rectoes. Rank and The matements in th unions could acquire this same power to balled drop members of union leaderships from especially if these rough-shod over the democratically grocd programmine of the movement.
The work of Communist Party militants in building up the LCDTU gave the party the opportunity to construct such a ra and file moverent on the model of the ol Minority Movement created by the CPGR movement could have won the backing o handreds of thousands of workers, The CP has been capable of building just such rank and file movement around a definite programme when engages anions. The Balding Worker wine in tbe prepared the early 1970 building leaders cost haver could have constructed a -nowertil rank and file force ready to lay ar open, organised challenge to the cura-about copolion are sail Conte at lefis when Labour came to Contract wage controls, the millions of unemployed, the the leadership could bave at lenst presented internationa! solidarity.
Relations self-determination The Party movernent for the troops. But no. With a concern for being responsible and leadership abandoned all pretence at a class Little wonder that the Soviet barenocracy fatuity of the leaderhip's attitude. What 1s the puint of a Party which is riny in national political terms showing bow responsible' it is to the leaders of British capitalisin? Wha ill it gain oul of its praction proposa above all support for the Peace moverent? Little more than contempt from all sides.
The Future of the Party The New Draft programme and the 35th both the Eurocommunist wing and the Brezhnevites is new.
The spread EEEEEEEEEEEE Thare can Brezhnevites will be soundly defeated. This can create a profound disequilibriam within che narty. The entire operation of We Part leadersbip since the lavasion of Crechoslo wakia has been to hold both Each have been asrned of the dire threa! From the other The significance may wel be thar the Horoemmunist wing may call the leadership's bluft — and go 1o a fight to the finish with those who are Fo the principled course for the leadership to follow. But without a Breebnevite threat, how could one prevent a pandora's bor Charter The real scake at this Congress is not the wards that are enshrined in the programme and those that are rejected. The crus is whether the leadership re-establish a temporary new squilibrium Arter TheatrES crisis will proceed apace. This is, of course a matter of great concern not only co Party membership, but to che entire Britist! left.
The British Communist Pago iv could have organised witbdrawal of British parties, the CHOR leadership presents the practical" C BUT THIS attitude. Its role remains to give advice to of its smallness, without the British imperialist state a to bow best to advantages of a genuine policient alternative burenacracies. belraval I's the witer shout troops barracks, a Bill of Rights, and the lett bureaucrac tactical turn represent anything fundamentally new. But Chater, Bert Ramelson and George Mati Eurocommunist 26233903 class, mental arithmetical Party theinselves Che be liule doubt that the vey large wings in line. away by the neo-Stalinists of the 35ui Congress emerge the membershipi lar decade:
will be able to For whether the Parts 35tb Parly Congress Party is SOCIALIST CHALLENGE SUPPLEMENT 10 November number as the militants of the Spanis section of the Fourth Internationa And - unlike such orranisations, the CEGB is D the decline. And while these revolutionary erganisations offer a global alternative the nroeramme and strategy of the ma Party as nothing more than an adjunct to The Penals without any or te to reformists enjoyed by the revolutionary Temporary suocesses for the Italian an TELL LOADIUILSE THE HA may provide momentary relief for the CPGB. Problems cased by an electoral defeat for strnin out of the Party's relationship with ROUTINIST FIGURES acist turn the nury mist Pars leadership. But an Execulivo Commitro only sbort-term palliatives.
the new openness of the party to discussion with groups on the revolutionary left. A far as the party membership is concerned the old Stalinist sectarianism holds less and In our sew the task of Marisis Bricain is to work towards the conseraction of a new, unified revolutionary Marxis La principled agreement on funda programmatic issues, and MCMIS TRICO MCCARE MACIECES can correct mistakes, learn from theri an debate out policy cboie No such party exists at nresent and th IMG will certainly not become it through recruitment of ever larger numbers of individuals. A really revolution.
¡plisical clarit together forces at present in the Labour along with th lose around the CPOB the SWP and the IMG.
PARTY OF THE FUTURE Brirish left grouns traditionally proclain of socialists today are only too well aware thar this is pure bluff at of the C.PGB is whether forom arise within the party desiring to pull its membership kadership's right-ward pourse and away from the dead-end offered Swedish Communist Party organisation split carlice this sear along the Horncommont: Neo Stalinist Line If the within the British Party the prospecis for a principled regroupment c revolutionary Marxis party will be in measurably brighter than they have more bey do their the challenge face challenge facio those members of the CPGB who consider themselves anti-Stalinis revolutionary Marxiss and Leninists during and after the ING
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