Photomontage: PETER KENNARD movement exploded onto the streets in 1968/69 its strength resided in its mass participation, a participation not inhibited by identification with the overall programme of one or anothet political groupins This approach remains valid today when the task of the hour is to remobilise the mass of the Catholic population against the escalation of repression. In his presidential address to the Ard Fheis, Ruairi O'Bradaigh used the term "the knot nearest the throat" when referring to the unifying role of a Republican election campaign against the EE. Underlying this concept is the need to dily the maximum forces in a single minded effort against imperialism's weakest point. Today that weukest point is undoubtedly the issue of repression. Real mass mobilisations against this would represent a high step forward for the anti-imperialist struggle.
Yet it was precisely at this level that the Ard Fheis failed to offer a concrete policy Indeed, while the conference was debating the issue, the Provisionals in Belfast put a motion through to exclude the participation of the SDLP from the RAC. This was apparently motivated on the grounds that the SDLP are traitors and to give them a platform would foster illusions in their treacherous politics. But broad layers of Catholics arcady have such illusions, and recently the SDLP bave rediscovered the Irish dimension" and are occasionally adopting an anti-imperialist posture 1p brush up their credentials us representatives The effect of this is double edged.
On the one hand if can legitimise the aspirations of the most militant sections of the anti-unionist population. On the other. it can enable the SDLP to present itself as a Mexible and stronger opposition to imperialism. The real danger is therefore not fostering illusions in the SDLP, but allowing pariy channel imperialist sentiment into the dead end of reformist negotiations.
The image presented by the SDLP cannot be exposed by emotive denunciations and propaganda alone. Primarily this can beat be achieved through the experience which the Catbolic minority can gain in the field of struggle. Specifically a united front policy would put the SDLP and all political tendencies to the crucial test of action, thereby showing in practice who are the most consistent and effective fighters for the real interests of the oppressed. Abore all the united front approach can unite the widest sections of the population in action thereby effectively defending their rights and abilicy to struggle as a whole. Any other strategy threatens to reduce the antirepression campaigo to an insignificant Republican ginger group The exclusionist policy of the Provisional leadership is also reflected in its general view of the Irish struggle which subordinates mass political action to the needs of the 'war effort. Not only political action is subordinated, but political dicussion well: attempts at political clarification by the Provisionals can open up a series of contradictions.
One such occasion at the conference was the discussion on direct clections to the European parliament. Ruairi O'Bradaigh's "knot nearest the throat" was considerably loosened by the more traditional precepts of the movement which regarded participation in clections as a sell-out of Irish sovereignty. Like other resolutions this discussion was referred to the National Committee to be resolved.
Thus those who saw the conference as making a shift to the left are fundamentally mistaken. Some cited the reception given to two anti-communist motions calling on Sian Fein to 'publicly dissociate from communism" and to affirm that Sinn Fein is a non-Marxist revolutionary party* Although both these motions were roundly defeated and opposed by prominent leaders of the organisation such as O'Braduigh and George Lynch, they did so in such a manner that would not alienate the old guard' of the Catbolic morality. Their arguments were vague and populist. Both speakers took their distance from Marxism and in doing so stressed that Ireland had its own socialists such as Lawier, Mellows and Consolly.
Whilst Irish (and other) revolutionaries have much to learn from Connolly. socialism is both a living and international movement constantly refined and modified through the experience of more than 60 years of international working class struggle since Connolly s death.
BASIC CONSERVATISM Moreover, the Provisionals propaganda has recently tended to depart from the more radical Republican tradition of building a united Ireland completely free of the old religious communities. In its place they now place more emphasis on the concepr of a Tederated state of four provinces The basic conservatism of this programmie was illustrated in a tecent leafler issued by Sinn Fein. Entitled Brits Out -Peace In, it argues for the right of the people of Ulster to self-determination'. Although this referred to a nine, and not a six county Ulster, this position still indicates a dangerous conciliation with the Protestant settler caste and its interests.
More importantly, the implementation of this proposal is not seen as an integral part of revolutionary struggle in Ireland which will end the caste system, once and for all, but as part of a grodual process econdmic reconstruction and negotiation following an equally gradual withdrawal of the British Anny A similar conservatism is reflected in the Provisionals! "Eira Nua' (New Ireland) programme, which is marked by inability to champion the struggles and demands of the most oppressed layers of Irish society. Sinn Fein's claims as a parts of the working class should not be taker too literally: the criteria for judging the class character of any movement is its programme Concretely the overall progranume of the Provisionals does not even allude to the Jeading roie of the working class in the trist struggle. It prefers instead to talk 'people's power Based Lon provincial governments embracing *Catholic Protestant, Orange and Creen, Left anc Righr.
OPPOSITION TO ABORTION similar confusion is evident in the Provisionals economic programme which envisages a mixed economy of nationalised industries, co-operatives and small capitalISES.
But perhaps the most worrying aspect of Sinn Fein's programme is its position on women. For the considerable bold the Catholic Church has on women in Ireland is directly related to Ireland's nationa underdevelopment by Yet Sinn Fein's position women is no different from that of the Catholic hierar chy, or for that matter very litle differen from that of the whole imperialist order Ruairi O'Bradaigh's opposition to abortio is not accidental, it flows logically from th Eira Nua programme whose "Draft Charte of Rights' sanctifies the family. It remain to be seen how the Provisionals wil respond to a mass feminist movement it Ireland. Presently, however, their pro gramme is not only a disservice to womer but to the entire struggle for freedom in The 1977 Ard Fheis confirmed such bask inconsistencies. The need in Ireland is for mass revolutionary socialist party. While it can confidently be stated that the mon dedicated and consistent Republican will be part of this party, its nucleus today is the small but conscious forces gathered aroun the Irish Trotskyist movement
SOCIALIST CHALLENGE, 24 November 1977, page 14