The October Revolution was the first breach stimulus to revolutionary struegle in both the advanced capilahist COLITICS and in colonial countries of America, Africa and the an historic event immense significance, like the French Revolution of 1789, whose traditions il continued, developed and surpassed. Having said this, bur duty today in the West, in 1977, is to study critically the general und specific teaturer of the October Revolution and to think seriously about the nature of the Levolson and revolutionary process hereand now If we leave out Crechoslovakia and the German Democratie Republic, we are dealing with economically underdeveloped countnies. predominantly rural societies where archaic, mediseval forma of life still exist; which are culturally backward and which, not unimportantly. have never bourgeois democratie revolution. To this, we nust add the facs that in these countries, the state pinyed a determinins role in their economie and cultural development and thus civil society was not fullyconstituted. Iewas, 8s Gramsci would say, "gelatinous' Thesespecific features were responsible for a certain number of characteristics, peculiat.to these revolutions and theic roads to building socialism. Ai a result of these historical circumstances, could say that these countries have taken an escatially This can be seen marontal rosa to societe very charaderistically in the course and after math of the October Revolution Itself. I den't say this in a contemproons way because can 1 imagine any other road possible for these countries given what they were and giver the conditions in which the revolutionary process crolved.
Ir's not a criticism these experiences. 1 am sayins this simply to stress ATHAT ARE the most important lesso Y of che 1917 revolution for the worke movement and the working class today? What was unique and specific to that experierice, and what was - to employ a provocative term — of universal significance?
Our starting point can only be the profound criss of ibe international ushered in by the First World War. impossible 10 begin to succestion of social revolutions over the past point. Speaking rather schematically, we can say that the outbreak of the Fiest World War capitalist system, the end of ats historically progressive fonction and mission. The rents million who died in the First World War nake CALTECTS on this Tutile:
However. the second follows logically from the first is whether the Russian revolution was an historic exception, a thunderbolt in a clear sky, or wheiner it was only the beginming of a series of crises for the capitalist regime which would threaten mope and MOTE seriously the political and economic heritage of the human race?
Fo this question my reply is unequivocal There was absolutely nothing exceptional in the Russian revolution from this View. Quite the reverse. The crisis of the social structures of capitalism has beent a permanent phenomenon sance the First World War. The second leson, and this was grasped by the very first revolutionary socialist critic of the October Revolution, Rosa 1 uxemburg, Jies in JOHN the lact that Lenin, comrades in a period of revolutionary crisis dared to lead the working class towards the seizure of nower and the establishment of the dictatorshipas the prolctariatthe necessity of taking them into account and judgine their historic relatively, slace, as Trotsky so beautifully put the i, The skein of history seems to be unwinding liseil il reverse, Df successful socialist revolution in a single capitalist country.
To the present day, the only exumples of the revolution in the western world have beee the hundred days of the Paris Commune in 1871, andthetens of days of the Cierman Revolution in 1918-19. Lagreethat at certaintimes berween 1517 and 1920 there existed in Furope a revolutiomary situation in meaning of the words, as a frontal assault against the Stare. But it isstill nometheless true that For 150years, since the revolution of 1848, we in the west have been chasing a mirage of revolution. So we must ask ourselves whether MILLILS the October Revolution does bot represent a single experience rather than a model or an example. My answer lo chis question is of course the opposite of Ernest Mandel's. We must conceive, elaborate and develop the concept of a new type of revolutine, of a new way of gelling to socialism, in oruer to create first and forcost, a socialisin This nes revolationary process is of course noca social democratie onie. From this point of view, the criticisms Lenin made-of democracy in 1917 and 192) seem to me still perfectly correct. Itis nora question of gaining dic power through a fea reforms and of runing thesystemin tiesamc old way. The point is nos to run the system but to destray il and create socialism. Fronthis point of view my aussier 1s hot, and cannor be a social democracic one. 11 cannot be, t would say above all, the reply which Lenin gave which was rooted in his times andantheworldasheknew it.
Today the conditions are radically different historic from an historic point of view. The key to this new experiment must be an examination of the
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What are the capitalis system understand the and the transfer HULE without prasping this essentin] totality hankruptey of constirule berween point somewhat partially negative question which Hitler's entire cultural, Once again let us consider example point of reasorably days and their workers. unemplos ment rate of 255g etc To come and we have not had a the traditional differens kald relationship revolution in The historical process. Portugal. There is at present a revolutionary pracess developing in Spain and 1 hope chat in The coming years we will once again see the development of such a process in France and taskis workers! novement in such periods? The principa lessons of the Russian revolution is that thi central task is the seizure of power and the destruction of the bourgeols state. I dent but the repressive apparatus, the apparatus of the bourgeois economis and political power tothe working class, cot 3n th sense of workers in the big plants, bur to the who today The tion of the couriries in the West 750g and 90% plEhe historie balance-sheet TELLES not hinge clear. We can have encless discussions on the majority consoquences Russian revolution and what followed. Bat let us not forgetto examine what happened in the countries where the workers" movement could CETOTEL have seized power and did not do so. What is the balance-sheet of the refusal of Germar Social Democracy to seize power in 19183 seizure of power and 60 million corpses! That's something rather differen: lo more and Stalin, that's the price which the Europear had to pay tor that refusal the Chilean Who can sincerely, honestly anc 70, co dead il Allende had seized nower as he that there would have boen working class could have done with scarcely a shut being posine an fred at the end of 19727 Allende did not do this and the result is Pinochet, 30,000 dead in something appronching economie genocide imposed on the Chilcan class year in and Yuan Cul an working class • third question. The fundamental divergences in the heart of the workers" movement do nos hinge on whether berween reform and that We nave understoodthem until now. The main problem and nove towards a new conception of the revolution which will be based on profound relotes of the econonc and social structure These will constitute, on a relatively extended time scale, the revolutionary So this process is the opposite of those which have gone before and will be based on Inbouring populatios in free, secret elections with universal suffrage. Those who supported the transfer of power to the soviels reseived bercen 65% and 67% of the votes in al the hip towns. This cannor by any stretch of the imagination be conceived of as a minorits strategy within the working class.
The question is how to unity the wago combativity, avoid anything which can divide or demobilise the morking class, It is a stracegy to unity and mobilise the working class which must care for both the daily and the historic noods of the workers, and whick refuses to sacrifice the bourgeoisie. bougeois parties for electoralist reasors. 11 15 u coberent and interlocking strategy. it does absolute nathamentars permanent beeemonic weight in society, but it unfolds in thost situations which periodically arise when this colossal force can transforan the relationship The other straregs, which opposes isel! 1o the first. under the pretext of giving priority to politics, which it reduces and identifies with cocoralism and parlamentarisat with ibe bourgewisie and the bourgeois parties, accepts class collaboration. , mintstecia) collaboration and as an inevitable consequence breaks the unity, cohesion and self-confidence of the Ils not therefore a question of counterinsurrectional poaceful Straleay, le in a strategy of unification and extra-parliamentary mobilisation toiling masses counterposed to a stratesy ol Cue leads to the Rec self-organisation of the the ouber to Weimar-tope situations. 1o Popular Fronts, to Chilean-type Unidad Populars and to terrible and blood defeats for the workine class dentocracy. Let no one tell me that it's only a question of the parliamentary or electoral rond. les a much broader conception of democracy, a thorough going, many sided democracy waich must include the conomic, social, political and cultural levels and which can only mean the management by the people oftheit own affairs - self management.
In our countries, in France particularly, the revolution will he democratic. pesceful, lega and gradual or it will not take place
SOCIALIST CHALLENGE, 16 February 1978 page 14