attack their undeserved victory.
It is now of the utmost importance to analyse what has happened in France. The PCF was about to enter the cabinet. but broke its electoral alliance. What does this tell us about a party of "Eurocommunism'? Al. the same time SOMEHIC population of France has again tive say in government. does this Icil us shout th structure of state power? These two questions are of course linked A major indictment against is that its leadership turned upon Mitterrand and the Socialists with a savagery that should have been reserved for the Right, for the dominant class. Tosee why, we must start with the Right itself, with their hold on power. Only then is it possible 10 the tructive achievement Marchan recent campaign. For this did achieve something can be said that there were Iwo | the Gaulle's Constitution and the Communises. Both have convincingly conserved their prerous positions. Out of office he PCF has nonetheless re tained its bloc of support within The lee or De an of De Gaulle is dominant, it stil orders politics in France.
De Gaulle's constitution is a very impressive construction. It has enabled the politicians of the right divisions bf the most deeply Tractured ruling class amongst The extent of these divisions can be symbolised by an absence: In FOR THE MILLIONS in Europe who look for a new radical way out of the present political and economic Impasse, this was to be the year of France. Here. perhaps alone on the continent, the elections and strength of the left held out an opportunity. At the very least a Communist Party was on the verge of government in a major European state, for the first time since the Cold War. But in a brutally improvised fashion the PCF stepped back, and their six month Socialist presented marionettes of the centre — Giscard, Barre — with an France since the 1940s, no *natural bourzeois marty, eoul valent to the Christian Democrat. Republicans or Conserva tives, has continuously domiThe fractures may be traced back to the 19th Century. Their post-war intractability.
Ever, stems from the War itself.
For France plaved a double game then, and fought on both sides. Itsgovernment did not go into exile after the breakthrough in 1940, instead it negotiated Vichy. Daly a minority Followed De Caulle.
CONTRAST After the war of exacerbated by the pressure of des the Communists, who played a major part in the (after Hitler ordered the invasion of the Soviet Unson), In a way it appears that because a Section De joined the Resistance during the war. embittered ruling class organiCommunist gains were limited.
At least. I seems so if the contrast is made with Italy There, of course, Fascism was haly's own creation Mussolini's rule was hardly challenged seriously after 1922 Thus when the Halians surrendered with the Allied landings, the old ruling machines simply the Americanised itsell. The sence of any bourgeois leadership in the underground, in contrast to France, ensured the Les alost compicie donn nance of the labour movement DISGUST By the same bourscoisic irsel divided internally, while the ideologically. The Church too had Made is Concordat WIth Fascism, but the Vatican was able to play its 'independent" the card, merely sicuated in an Italian. landscape.
Democrats in Italy hold power through their party strength. The events in Rome between the two rounds of the French elections provide another con firmation of this basic resi iance. Corrupt secking, the leaders may be a horrid sight. Organised by Catholic fealty how- against the largest Communist Party in the their long succession of minisTerial crises have in reality been mere inner-party German amongst those sure that they will hold power continuously. In France, on the other hand. bourgeoisie thesplits within the bourgeoisie created a succession of party conflicts, as goverument followed government.
the but without it stable rule was Impossible. De Caulle retired to the side-lines in disgust. For at resistance unable to resolve their fratricide, French polinicans aspired to the status of a major power. om a world scale (with colonies) DITEELES and as part of the victorious alliance (a sector of Germany). divided and The strain was too great, and the Algerian crisis propelled De Gaulle to power in 1938. He dictated his presidential Soon an a soony s Filth Republic It is said that his constitution gerrymanders the results to favour the right. But this is not really most contrihution to the bistory of representation. electoral systemn, lor example. is far more equitable than the French. Dee Haphazard. The labour movemay also benefit.
stroke.
From the Communist with the Giscardians as a world institution Christian their number of seats.
PRICE
and selfBaggle of CD West, however, leading disputes, concentrute mechanism functions, Alliance anises the right they parties, the appointment manage the right LETTE traction of a percent outstanding dent of the United State The main to he although more President for 03S7613 Britain is a country in which the example, alter a suicable sotrwuuld provide social democrars.
where the representation of the bourgeois interest is securely anchored in the manipulations had such created a constitution that not simultancous, would overcome the ineradic able instability of the French extraordinary like so many moons without i stable orbit. We have just seen the latest of such fluctuations more than a groupuscule in the Assembly ten years ago. they now approach the Gaullists in Gaullist essence The basic instruments which lobert. govern the Gaullist State arc men of the he double-layer of shared power held by the President mainstrcam and the National Assembly, and the two-round system of voting. The process of désiste ment, of standing down netween the ballots, allows the sender whether in Presidential the vote of the right The first round operates as a kind of anti-Communist primary for the French Bourgeoisie, and this Stare-imposed therefore, as a means of overcoming ins divisions; it literally orgWhile the two round system ensures the least possible frag mentation of the right-wing *arrangement ol the constituencies gives them a major advantage over the lett.
At the sanse time the President, himself a bencficiary of desiste ment, utilises his powers of and nressure to coalition in the Assembly itself. His own hold on office is unitary, and its bourgeoisie. Giseard won by a popular vote in 1974, but his Jemlimacy is as connele and his power ereater than a Presi Forther advantager still reused Were coalition of the lett to win a majority in the Assembly. the can deploy divide For Were the Socialists to gain the Presency the nerd to dran the Cabinet from the Assembly facto alliance of the right and the unless the President dissolved the Assembly immediately. Even so the Communis Purty would find itself without any institu tional hold over the major office. The fact that Assembly and Presidential clections are therefore, provides yet another break to any socialist alliance.
The strength in depth of this constitutional appliance is not merely a defensive one, it should be stressed. would a politician from such a small party as Giscard bave been able 1o gain the Presi dency. Although he was not the candidate party terms, he was the Gaullist in We 1181S "party interest" in 1974. if no the yet 'above them. Hompidou, Barre have all been summonsed into the political by Presidential fiat. De Gaulle's system, there on in terms of small adjustments Gaullist leader Chirac under the shadow of De Gaulle. pean countries mostly lack. Thi right in Germany and Britain offers from a cestih al talent their equivalents to Pompidou and Rare languish in permanent apparatus. Onc need only dance at the last three Tory leaders in London Home, Heath and Thatcher, to take the point. Not the least strength of De Gaulle's Con stitution is its ability to renew as well as reinforce, right-wing lendership Any electoral strategy for socialists in France must over come the obstacles and survive the bootstraps of this formitable apparatus. What other political systems obscure, De Gaulle's Gallic clarity has made evident. We can now ask: i these are the rules of the game what is the price JOE Commu rists who obey them?
subsequent issue Anthony Barnett will discuss dilemmas STREE пО% confront French Communism menter of the editorial hoard Anthony Bannett of Black Dwarf; the editor of Leit editorial board.