Fi 1978 Conference of th important DUBIOCT OF ways.
IMG itself, it
opporturuty consolidate orientation which underlies Socialist Unity (SU) and Challenge (SC): the building broad "class struggle tendency in the working clasa movement, Jibe building revolutionary left in general The British far left has experience in plenty of the pitfalls in building revolutionary organisations. sectarian disaster 01 The Labour League led by Gerry left us with a rump:
Revolutionary Party) The failure of political development and internal democracy in the Socialists left us with an organisation (theSocialist Workers Party)largeand flexible enough important initiatives, bur politically and organisationally too narrow and sectarian to really begin to break out of the left's marginality.
in For the litter an organisations, the both Socialist 003 3048 since, while still united is the largest The Healy for unity on the Worters forces left-reformist politics.
partial setbacks, some of them doing good work in limited areas, most of them embattled in the dead-ends of The IMG has a special responsibility by any serious standards a very small organisation, it group of the far left apart from the SWP. It therefore has a major role, not just in expanding ant uniting the forces involved in SU and SC, but also in leading our forces to exert a consistent, principled pressure the SWP and furthermore in intluencing the larger the broad sway of The key for the IMG must be to accept HENS responsibility entails, and not to be Sured into ans short cuts either limited successes already achieved by the present orientation, or by any And style On the main lines of your tactics, then, there is little disagreement. In particular, commitment non-exclusive class struggletendencics in the unions is very important. It is your serious attitude to ongoing TU work, as well as work in other movements — such as the womens' movenicer, which is a major reason why the IMG is now much more respected among militunts.
At the same time, there are some queries. In the political situation which you describe, the very paralysi of much of the organised working class can, in the short run, give a new lease of life to the sorts of protest movements which were important in the "50s and The anti-Nazi movement, maybe the anti-nuclear movement, especially merit a consideration which SWP, after all, has really been living politically off anti-Nazism for much OF LIC BESE YESE OT WO Secondly, this raises a more basic MEIG SUME recomposition of the vanguard of the to MOLACED BOYCOUCH WILSOUL SOCIDE how much this involves the influencing of existing militants and oreanisations that is imoorant Brothe into alich de beene hanupht into activity "militants" in various fields relates, obviously, to the criticisms of SC which have widely.
Regroupment While the IMG has been right to stress the primary importance of the political basis for regroupment, it is and probably the case that these secondary questions of tactics and even style are the greatest stumbling hocks for many people. It will be necessary to discuss Them more, as wen as toargue unat Ene) should be secondary to the politics.
also the ACTUALC This been made quite agrocmeat.
which Committee). The issue of regroupment of forces within and through Socialist Unity is rightly put in the context of larger revolutionary unity. It is however of real importance, precisely as a step towards that unity. The period after the May electices must be used by the IMG, Big Flame, the International Socialists Coordinating Committee and otlers in SU to discuss the issues involved, and begin to formulate the steps which are necessary The general principles for regroupment put forward bythe IMGare in the main ones on which there can be wide Dessay. however, to discuss frankly the arcas past contentious, such as relations with the MARTIN SHAW, (member of the
all the work which the Howard ten maily here is puts into initiatives remarkable lack about what sort of unity it is trying to initiatives will mean little to socialist mantants outside the revolutionary left.
And without these moltants all that would be achieved would be at worst, a slightly enlarged IMG, and at best a new rival to the SWP with double the IMG's membership.
The Ambiguity of Socialist Unity Do the IMG want anything more than a new revolutionary organisa tion? It's not always clear that it does, except on a sectoral level broad alliances like the Socialist Student Alliance and the Socialist Teachers" RESHEL The ambiguities come to a head aroand Somalist Umty.
Socialist Unity is projected as a broad alliance of those prepared to fight for socialist policies on immediate issues. Sometimes it is projected as a vehicle of revolutionary regroupment which makes sporadic forays amongst the masses during clections.
Of course there need not be contradiction between moves towards revolutionary unity and the creation of broader socialist alliances. On the contrary, revolutionary unity is most where revolutionaries together to create an alliance able to extend to influence activily Jar bevond the scope of an One organisation.
But Socialist Unity for the present 1s, in practice, restricted to revolutionaries, at least as far as continuing involvement is concerned. despite conditions being ripe broader alliances, at least on a local level, It is because of the way the IMG have built Socialist Unity; as a unity based on a) precise programmatic agreement and, by a commitment to stand candidates against Lahour, More than Revolutionary Unity?
Does it matter that the ING's approach tends Unity to revolutionaries? Is there in fact potential for anything more, in "The light socialist alternative' can be a usetal basis discussion of the major facing the revolutionary left ansence ol any scrious discussaon of anywbere else on the far left.
In this respect the theorists of "Eurocommunism" have done serious job, their scrofulous reformist standpoint confronting political have most marxist groupings.
The document is right to put the finger on the role of the bureaucrac THEADOORS BOCULEILE energy that follows.
And it's right to emphasise not only (though perhaps not element of sell-out and betrayal poetical and identical element specific the way the buremucracy has derailed struggle. It also describes che bankruptcy of the CP well enough reproupment"
of clarity tendencies towards sectarianism. It is in part an awareness only instinctive Left more oper during the mass Sometimes STUCE BOLy traditional sation — - can fill that gap.
CELESTE
are working example, of socialist Unions tions do bol Movement.
This political vacuum.
for problems arc, Ba casic sense.
way.
Programmatic Unity Socialist Socialist Unity is not. building constructive questions Trie, political analysis, style problems agreement on more believe in orientation cality, tha Labour Party and our building moving sections of the Ground' enough) different perspective.
was the the agenda It is doubtful whether there would SACES be any genuine momentum towards regroupment unless the possibility of beyond revolutionary left was constraining that a unity drawing in many beyond the revoludonary left is possible, which ba to unity amongst mass struggle in the last lew years causing us to huddle together. It is rather that this period, where mass struggle has been lacking, has boen a which the divide between the compromisers and those Those who are prepared in fight are political prog rammes of both the Labour left and LEOUL the CP. The experience of revolutionaries in their local labour move ment activity is that this crisis of the Left and the limits o isolated militancy have developed far more rapidly than has the strength of the revolutionary left. No one organieven the SWP would agree "is clear from, alliances are for But poor response to the GEnEral recent Rank and File and the Liaison Committee for the Deferice of Trade conferences that the condiexist Vational Minority ments that do exist cannot fill the The militants who sense this vacuum are not concerned merely about the of their own union; they socialists. The sap is only likely to be filled throuch initintives which begin to oreanis. these militants as socialistsin however loose, locally based and modest a IM's tactics, going to be very rank-and-file-based opposition groups in the unions which is not fully evident from the rest of the section Which leads on to the next point.
orensation ol tens of thousands of militants can be built in despite differences of and tactics. But essential for this is not only broad some comrades main political should be towards the main trade union orientation should be towards block leftward DITCHICA then no amount of 'Our Connor style restatements basics of marxism will make up for the Tact mat tocre is no paste tor Doll in practice with comrades who have a the 1Nd. pective of at least part of There were sigos in the past that this fact that this seems no longer to be the cise pols a unnec organisation much nearer the top of seen. helpful in stimulating such based initiatives towards militant of socialists in different unions, different movements and different political parties many will still be in the Labour Party Communist Party). To see why, let's o back to the two aspects of th MG's approach which we argue ar particularly restrictive.
First, the emphasis on a precisc programmatic hasis for anity: chis nows partly from the IMG's assump tion that a fairly advanced degree of unity between revolutionary organi sations is a condition for and means to broader unity; in the IMG's view revolutionary regroupment will tend to come first. This is how it is put in "For us what was vital was the construction of a socialist alternative to Labourist polities in the nationa irena. We did not believe that thi alternative would of itself he trans formed into a mass party. But, more lo the point at this time, it would revolutionary socialist forces to challenge social democratic politics all along the line.
unity follows logicalprogrammatic emphasis priority on regroupment. Regroupment of political organisations oi course has to be on a clear common programme otherwise vould soon break up with the form:
programmatic unity s, only meaningful between political organisations hecause by its nature It presupposes a period political dehate which in turn requires a political organisation This debate goes on among the 5,000 or so in and around the revolutionary left and to some extent in the Communist Party. independent multants to cold be among thousands drawn into socialist alliances, political debate is only just beginning. The very electoralism the Party, and the way its relation to the unions separates political from indusactivity has starved most such political discussion.
In fact one of the main purposes of :
ocialist alliance would be to provid a loose, non party framework for political debate to develop and, where appropriate, arrive at programmate other shibboleths.
Similarly it is good to see that the transitional demands recognises that these are worked aut undedles peers CIne being taken ready-made and off the Mruggles workers" rather shelf from a programme written in, let us say. 1938.
But this also has implications for the area of emphasis of the revolutonary organisation, and the revolutionary paper, which must presumably reflec and be in some fruitful and living inter-relation struggles of workers' before such demands can be worked out and developed.
Similarly, to call the Fourth modest important gain' for the revolutionary movement is also 'modest' change the riumpbalism which referred to b world party of socialist revolution" in much the same substitutionalist styie the relabelling itself 'the party". much lies behind this remains to be An alliance able to provide, howeve loosely. socialist through which these militants could organise, need only have as its basis of and formation, a commitment to socialism and to lighting the collaboration present leadership and ail forins of racism and sexism.
This will then be developed and given political cutting edge by activities of the alliance and political discussions which will pre cede and follow them, This is not a retreat into pragmatiam, a copitulation to the philistinism off abourism, /theoretical debate; stressing the necd Lor developing that debate which ensures its relevance to the problems arising in today's strugeles, and which makes sense within the political consciousness of socialist militants open to such alliances Election Tactics Now to consider the dectoral activity. The ING's mistake here is to jump from correctly, that the extraparliamentary socialist for an intervention in the national unity political process to the immediate and general lactic of cloction campaigos against Labour In Such a tactic when based only on a small group of revolutionaries, tends to be the case, is nor entirely witbout value. It may build the IMG branch or draw several new supporters into a revolutionaries.
But that is not the MCP's real argument for clectoral activits. The IMG argues that with the deepening crisis of the British political system and particularly the Labour Party, an electorul challenge by militants now Labour fighting hegin to establish a alternative at a national level, thereby deepening the polirical crisis and of stimulating class struggle.
For this argument to have any practical meaning it's no good just calling a Socialist Unity candidate a 'class struggle candidate he/she happens to be a shop steward and widely, respected militant. An shortcomings of the Rank and File is much more prosaic impatience and shopkeeperly obsesexisting Lhan Finally, the section on the Labour Party seems to repeat ine same kei ambiguity referred to above. Do you really believe that "the major political struggle from which a mass socialist party will emerge will take place in the ahour Party': your minds up?
So long as you can agree that the Labour Party should not be a major focus of activity at the moment, o wati we can see with our own eyesmass inflex of workers into it, I tind but Saturday-Sunday Socialista April 15-16 How London and text of trily framework Unity bodies A labour movement the political TE CELINIS It is merely way of sible, of gether. in Socialist Unity question of argusng. such a national movement should prepare tionaries Socinlist Unity group the localities.
KENNY BELL, HILARY side) would - pobuics clear socialist bocause ever been propounded by the Following Bureaucrat Challenge of ? Or can't you make League) BATTLE OF IDEAS Supplement 13 April 1976 page 4 lectoral challenge to Labour must be based on mrilicants who have been in the forefront of fighting Labour's policies and therefore have support in rank and file industrial and commupolitical challenge such as thi would tend to be possible only ar fairly advanced stage in the growth of a socialist alliance, but this would depend on a number Facts, particularly developments within the local Labour Party. The crucial port is that it can only be a tactical option for such alliances and by no means a condition for support at this stage. Theemphasis here has been on local socialist alliances way of achieving a socialist unity. Although there is not space here to discuss the relation between local and national developmentsan derail, it is important to stress that this emphasis does not belittle the importance, where pos revolutionaries from dirTerence organisations working 10nationally co-ordinated ways, on joint projects, papers, etc could be a frame work chrough which certain groups would thus organise. But the implication of our argument is that while grouping of revoluhelp stimulate broader local alliances it should net pretend to be the national organisation of such alliances. The way such alliances develop from their saried local beginnings will depend primarily on national political der clopments: some of these might be sparked oft hy their localstrength.
Bur the dynamic of these national developmens will be significantly affected by the soccess with which the Socialist alliances have been built in PETER SHORT, WAINWRIGHT (TyneHere we have space only to muke our criticisms of the MG's approach lo socialist unity. We have not spelt out approach which is implicit in these criticisms. In a further arace we hope to ounine a possinle alterautive, drawing lessons from our esperiences on Tyneside. the second position less worrying than the first: do let us know the IMG, Socialist ISA and Big Flame conferences, ir should be possable to test out all these questions on the basis through Socialist Unity. activity. . The ultimate 2OODCEUL test will be the ability of such a joint pole of attraction to draw towards it as many militants again as are in the component groups otherwise regroupment will be only a sterile exercise in redealing the existing pack of far-lelt organisations.
STEPHEN MARKS [Workers 1978 ING NATIONAL CONFERENCE
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only, or so much, because of its own merits as because of the near-total
pliance with the social contract, with all the disillusion and dissipation of
period during prepared to fight has sharpened.
more acutely aware than ever they struggles of the early '70s of the