IMGpapers 1976–79

Newspapers of the International Marxist Group and its forerunners, 1976–79

Responding to Althusser What is democratic centralism?

Socialist Challenge No. 53, 6 July 1978 · p. 10 of the scan · 1,769 words

The scan: sc-n53-jul-6-1978.pdf (PDF, Marxists Internet Archive, opens at this page)

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page 10 of the scan

political practice of the party. THE MOST remarkable part of unmasks and denounces the structure Althusser does not call it by is name. but we know it well, It is necessary to spell it out: burenucratic centralism, the vety opposite democratic centralium.

There are two sorts of remedies for disease. The first is developed by Altuse and or an eishtalls political nature, It calls for a political - BEACHC diametrically opposed to those of the Stalinist and which are based on distrust and fear of the broad workine masses VANGUARD The emancipation of the working class can only be achieved hy the workers themselves. The vanguard tevolutionary party is a necessary 3, but can in no way substrute elf for the working cla It's a certainty that in the course of a long political struggle it will learn as: much frand hee conmentary of the elementary struggle as it will educate them in • more general pontical concentions.

Obviously this does not mean an opportunist adaptation to whatever the working class currently thinking. which In any case can change rapidly. But it means lending an allentive car to what the masses are thinking, and ignoring or distorting it.

The second sort of remedy against the burcaucratic disease is strictly organisational, It concerns the rules of functioning of the workers. organisations themselves, that is, the guarantees of workers democracy, TIMID Here Louis Alhusser's approach is very timid, to say the least, Having denounced a deep and institutionalised disease, he concludes with two very modest proposals: discussion forums in the Communist press; the right to a horiontal Now information, contradictory manner, in order to objain a really democratic discussion.

We obviously agree with these proposals, which are applied as a maller otecourse all the organisations of the International But if they necessary to assure a minimum of workers бетостасу, they insufficient to give it a solid and taste soundston What makes democratic centralism the opposse centralism guarantee practice of the right of tendency. As a matter of fact, it is not possible to nbave effectively centralised organisation without the leadership and all the more so a leadership resting on a solid apparatus enjoying inevitable advantages from this centralisation.

PRIVILEGED It centralises the information and expericnees of the party's activity. It transmits centralised instructions to all the organs of the party. Its draft resolutions or tieses are circulated throughoul the party before the CORBIESS OT MALICHIE conferences They have a privileged status as the SOCIALIST CHALLENGE 6 July 1978 Page 10 that proposals do not come to grips with the problem of basis of all the discussions.

All that is not bad in itsell. It is even good, a necessary characteristic of the functioning of any orpanic structure. To grasp the objective function of this centralisation is to understand that what's at of Corpanisationa. phenomenon — and still less an administrative one - but a social and political necessity What this centralisation expresses the effort communists, overcome fragmentation working experience into isolated experiences, Lactory D industry. •ach is different oma arca group or sectoral interest, can only be drawn out of this centratisation of experience and activity in the class STUNIS But only if one clings to the absurd Stalinist thesis of the infallibility of the leadership can one believe that it is possible to operate the mechanisms of centralisation to the sole benefit and through the sole leadership of the apparatus while maintaining: the objective cilicient functioning centralisation from the point of view of the class struggle.

FALSE Louis Althusser rightly rejects this 1dca as a incoreticar mesarcanon The entire concrete history of the False.

Once it is no longer assumed that the leadership will more basis information at its disposal. the last argument in favour of hureaucratic centralim- that o elicience - 0sappears.

Once one admits that the majority can be wrong, thai the minority can be right, then it is uscful for the party if the minority has the same possibility of influencing the members as the Jeadership — if it has the same acoess to information, the same right to draw up resolutions for voting on at In this was the party stands a better chance either of avoiding mistakes or of rapidly correcting establishing their deeper causes.

The procodure that we have just Fourth described is essentially the right of tendency. It means the right members jointly to are and "Rouge' Althusser's Marxists, the class by area.... Class platforms, political proposab, alterTAYLOTECULES DOUSE HE LAC leadership.

channel of the districts, or areas. It means the right to submit them to the membership for discussion and to the vole al congress by means of their distribution to all of this members of the party.

vertical compartmentalsation and the existence of discussion forums will remain largely academic. not give rank-and-file militants and minprities the possibilicy of drawing up alternative proposal: to those o the leadership drawing up political proposals, whsch automatically is senseless if it does not have monopoly over wisdom and truth.

centralised Bureaucratic centralism reproduces itself more or less automatically The members is not secured because they do not have the right to consult political line. anly for members of the leadership.

OBJECTIONS

to the right that it would be contrary to Leninsam, since, at Leni's iliative. the t0ch Congress of the CPSU ruled out the establishesent of factions. In reality them and this episode proves the opposite of what is claimed by those who cite it eighteen years after the creation of the draw were tolerated, and their banning can Dissident selling Althusser's book outside PCF youth tastival JACO tendencies, right of tendency.

DIFFERENT Without this right, the ending of They will The latter Keeps a monopoly on members equality of rights of the DI.

The This right is reserved congress, question like. say Several obiections have been raised al tendency. Some say (Riazanor:

WETI hanned should give only be explained by exceptional circuntances In realy the whol history of Bolshevism is punctuated groupings, should add that the loth Congress only banned factions, and not the At this congress Lenin vigorously defended the right of tendency. He was replying to an amendment put forward by Riazanow, which wanted to ban tendencies as well — that is. to prevent common political platforms irom being submitted to congress by members of different cells, sections, or regions of the party, including have We cannot deprive the party and the TICI Conmitice of the right to appeal to the party in the event of disagreement fundamental issues. imauine how we can do such a think!

present congress cannot in ans wAN bind the elections to she nex Supposing we are faced with a the conclusion of the Brest peace? Can you guarante that so such question will arise? No, In the circumstances, the clections may have to be based on platiorms.

On оле question. "9 Certainly. But your resolation says: No elections according to platforms.

*1 do not think we have the power to probibit this.. if the circumstances MISC 10 fundamental disagreements, can we prohibir theni capsta from being Jedpensent ofthe whole party / No, we Cannot us is ancesse desire which is impracticable, and 1 move that we reject it. (Collecied Works, Vol. 32. p. 260) OUTGOING Lenin had aLready previously reminded the leaders of the Workers Opposition in the course of the sae The platform of the Workers COSIn Bas central organ of the party in 250,000 conies. We have weinted E eD tron all'sides, we have clected delegates on I basis. convened this congress. which, up political discussion. (Collected Works. Vot. 12. p. 256)

Isn't that the essence of what we're talking about in relation to the right of tendency: the right of party members who disagree with leadership to draw ep alternative political positions freely withou regard to compartmentalisation To see then submitter to all al the party through internal bulletias or in the public press? To see them discussed hefore and during the congresses on the same outgoing majority leadership!

Generally speaking, a tendency is established belore a congress or when therets an important tenin, point of the class struggle It dissolves inself allowing the majority time to test out re-establishing itself before the next corterence and neam takin up the debare on the basis of the newly псишей exD Tince UNHEALTHY That allows for the full blossoming in a positive way of the dialectic discussion to determine the line re-examination of the line in the ligh experience that has acquired Permanent tendencies are eviden of an unhealthy situation. The right Our movement is proud of having TOPSIC THE TREME DE BHOCHAS SO LIS most exemplary manner. On This wackers mosemeat The recent dissolution of the two major tendencies which existed inside the Fourt loccrnational broves tha we are capable of grasping all aspects of the broblem Weare not saying that we alwaysdo so in an ideal fashion, nor that we all the solutions, prepared to discuss this frankly with comrades of the Communist opposition, with all the currents of the workers movement.

But of one thing we are convinced The denial or suppression of the right of tendency is it every way a thousand times more dangerous and harmful than any abuse in its application. OBSTINATE Who will dare to say that, with the been possible to avoid the obatinere fascism' for lice years in the Cierman CP which contributed Hitler's victory in 1933?

Who will dare to say that, if there had been the right of tendency in the years to an agriculteral police which producticu animal and vegetable products was lower than in 1916?

Burenucratic ceneralism, the mani palation of workers organisations by the apparatus of tumme officials the stifling of free discussion and Initiative by the militants which would allow then to Chose • between alternative lines these are Bls wuch need to be mercilessly fought.

If they are not overcoine, neither the rise of the class stupple nor the achieved. On this conclusion In any case, we apree with Louis Alrisser For us the right of tendency is a necessary precondition to be able to mount this strusale succossfully The full text of Althosser's articles. logether with a polemical Intro duction written alter the ICE Centrul Committee meeting in April, is now availahile in New Left Review

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published in the French Trotskyist daily ERNEST MANDEL argues building a democratic centralist party.

A FEW weeks ago we published extracts from a series of articles by French Communist Party member Louis Althusser criticising the leadership, structures and Below, in an extract from a four-part series

← The atomic policeThe test of Democratic Socialism' →

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