pretend that the discussion is not taking place.
Ernest Mandel is absolutely right in both a positive and a negative side to as he does, that doctrine at Eurocommunism E doctrine of demobilisation and defeat of the European proletariat on the eve explosions hat are now Toninionary must be vigorously fought if the brcakthrouch of the socialist revolution in West Europe is to be assured."
tical poplins to some of th olitical positior Commune tar in paracuar are well to the right of the British Labour Party, the develooment of Burn. communism creates enormous possi bilities for the European working The splits which developed as the result of the First World War and the rise of the Third International can now be overcome. It does, of course, require the rejection on the part of the Socialist social-democratic Jemocratic views It also means that the Communist parties, by becoming independent of the Soviet Union, merge with the Socialist parties; and Marxism, based on democratic and revolutionary aspects, can again become the accepted philosophy of the labour and socialist BROY COC therefore see things rather differently to Mandel, Obviously this to my nos-Fourth position, and despite the reaknesses, etc., the very positive possibilities that Eurocommunium creates.
I welcome this discussion, and 1 regret that space prevents me from developing my ideas at length, but whether approved or not, serious socialists cannot ignore it. picture.
which deserves to be taken seriously.
LACk 01 Space prevents me from considering the many questions raised by Mandel and I shall confine myself to some brief comments on two subjects: democracy and eradualismo Mandel gives an extensive and fair description of how Eurocommunist views on democracy have developed. But his explanation of why these changes have occurred is crude beyond уду ша водіння Stalinism had objective rools in Soviet Soviet bureaucracy so bitterly? Why have the Eurocommunist parties laid increasing stress on democracy and pluralism?
PAINFUL According to Mandel, this growing criticium of the Soviet bureaucracy is a European working class.to anti-t sureaucratic components of the hyen of worken Or, In lain English, consciousness of the combative Stalinism is no longer popular, so in their normal cynical way Communist I find it incredible that a person of Mandel's intelligence can really believe *FROM STALINISM to Eurocommunism' is an impressive attempt to locate "Eurocommunism' in the grand sweep of modern history, and to analyse its theoretical and practical significance. It contains many profound insights into the dynamics of class struggle and some telling criticisms of Western Communist parties.
Unfortunately, it suffers from several major defects. It is, as the cover notes say, 'written in the nolemical tradition of Trotsky' and, like all polemical writing, it aims to destroy an opponent, in this case Eurocommunism, rather than provide an accurate or balanced And running through it there is a utopian thread which prevents Mandel from coming to grips with some of the most difficult problems facing our movement. Even so, this is an important book and painfal entirely considerations, and that, that every level in Western they crificise the Soviet Wes the not a cynical electoral manoeuvre.
gradualism. this. He completely ignores the long self-criticism which is taking nace as Communists come do terms with their own heritage of ideas He implies that their leaders an the upper hand electoral should the occasion arise, they would be quite happy to return to their old position of slavish support for everything Soviet.
This is not only insulting; it is also *Di course, there are opportunists at sireneth aller another Communist parties, but they are not the moving HEAD-ON force behind the new line. It is crysta clear that Carrillo, Berlinguer, and the others really mean what they say when Union and stress the importance of democracy.
And they are only the tip of the iceberg. At every level in Communist parties working class is the there is intense debate on the cuestion of democracy. What we are witnessing Is an historic shift in consciousness and revolutionary party rade it now conster becomin Eurocommanist socialism as a long drawn-out affair in which the working class gradually gets Bob Rowthorn Naturally, this is not a smooth process and is accompanied by periods of conflict and great tension, but there a no precise moment in waica Lie bourgeoisie is actually overthrown. Kather, the enemy is slowly beaten back and dislodged from one position of Mandel thinks this is all very defeatist. In his view the left should mobilise its foroes and build up to a head on collision with the bourgeoisie.
In Westerti countries, he argues, the overwhelmin! majority of the population and could disintegrate and progressively paralyse the military repressive apparatus and 'under the leadership of a This raises two questions. Is b correct in describing the overwhelming And, if he is correct, does it follow that they can be united through a policy of head-on collision?
Contracy to what Mandel says, same Communist parties. like the British, agree with his definition of a worker a anyone compelled to sell their labour power, and thus accept his view that WOTACT overwhelming majority. But this does not solve the DIVISIONS There are deep divisions within what Mandel calls the working class, and a policy of direct confrontation, such as he advocates, may well exacer bate these divisions. Moreover, the millions of vote receiveo Dy Conservative and Centre parties throughout Europe support for the bourgeoisie from white collar workers Mandel chides Amendola for saying that the majoricy of the Malian people are not convinced tbat the transition to earth does he think the enormous voles Last for the Christian moman thr Tascist MST, and other right-wing parties signity?
And does he really believe their support would just fade away if the left provoked a bead-on collision with the bourgeoisie? Does be not recognise the stil immense power of reactionary forces in Italy, France, and other European countries?
The trouble is that Mandel never takes the right seriously and seems considerable reserves of active and BULLET support. confrontation leads inevitably contic and sonomic distocation In such a situation there is no guarantee that the left will win new supporters. On the contrary, waverers sympathisers, including trade unionists, may swing over to the right in response to what they see as the disruptive tactics of the lett.
And, even if the left does win new HOMICICIT process confrontation, the right will not stand idly by as its own support ebbs away. It socialist
In each af those cases, reaction did operate openly because of the revolutionary mohilisation of masses, but concealed itself behind the parties and institutions of bourgeois democracy In Germany in 1919 and Portugal in it was social-democratic nonucins achne in the parliament and universal suffrage who provided the ideological and political focus for the counter-revolution.
The only way open to revolutionaries in such a situation is the long, patient process described by Rosa Luxemburg in her speech to the first congross of the German Communist Party in 1918, o proving to the masses in practice that solution to both their material probiems and political aspirations Bes through taking power, which inevitably the institutions of the capitalist stase, Jocturns paradoct Mandel's response, by contrast, is a dADOCTOU CODCCSSIOO LO COL ICEE WINS of Eurocommunism - those like
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