BUREAUCRATIC power does then derive from the links peculiar to capital. Trom private or collective ownetship of the means of production. Both historically and factually, it is rather of a distiner political character.
Although the bureaucracy as a whole disposes of the means of production, its individual members are brought into the social hicrarchy according to political criteria: they stand relationship of alienation to the means of production, although it is not of the same kind as the alienation suffered hy the workers, who completely excluded from the decision-making therefore think LONE hureaucracy is not a class hut a parasitic layer; that the system of hureaucratic centrans is not one o slate captilos or any other capitalism, and still less, a form of socialism; and Ena bureaucratic dictatorship, while totabtarian in characier, is not a species of Fascism.
With regard to Stalinism and the buresucratic degeneration or Geformatheoretically valuable and even correct propagate -LIE Iransitional phase between capitalism and socialism.
MAXIMIN do occasions as the present.
But it mas quile feelimately. Do argued that these concepts can have a disorienting or demoralising effect on the workers of both East and West.
And yet, hypotheses which refer to state capitalism or fascism, although fairly 'understandable to workers, are in a based on impoverished constructions and are untenable from the point of view of the Marxist understanding of social relations.
Indeed, the authors and defenders of such schemas often know this best of all the We must here say Gramsci that only the revolutionary. And departure from it savours of the bitter fruits of Stalimism, at least for us who have lived through the experience.
Perhaps, in our ongoing agitational and propaganda work, dispense with concepts cratic centralism', anything else, was very widely used in 1968 as a semi-official term to denote the economic and overall social system of sixties Crechoslovaki.
Perhaps we might also do without as we tevolutionar on sucT communists who have been expelled the Party centralist, reforming ratic). liberal or othe there are socialists and democrats of various personsions, and there are the far left, Christians and the cultural underground.
no precise political, religious or cultural alignment. Agreement on the question of human rights does not preclude differences of opinion on a number of political problems critical analysis of the system to ideas clearly with about the future.
truth made a discussion possible, and that the discussion is siot limited to the Charler itself. But conclude political currents will emerge from the might like bureauwhich, apart from to present day relations in Czecho slovakia. Political crystallise, and poople will once again publicly come together in a political In Crechoslovakin today, however.
the committed's Ahove all, it should be stressed that They seek to analyse certain areas of Czechoslovak life not from a political power itself and the respect it shows lor there can be no gencrally accepted Represented in the Charter are oniy 'Eurocommunists" but also those of a (social-demo. orientation:
But most typical are the citizens with ranging fros:
It is of value that Charler 77 has Fi would be wrong to into a confrontation with the state Such a short-cut does not correspond conceptions will Committee to Delend the Liniusci Persecuted, which seek, so fulfil a partial task of Charler 77 by defending роса PosoDers an скасто Wad, 15 being that Smalinssm is not a necessary detou through which socicty must pass on th road from capitalism to socialise Our great hope. in any case, is for a socialist revolution in the West.
17 August 1978 Page 7