THE Moslem opposition is by tar me sironcest torce witHin the opposition to the Shah's regime. It has been able achieve this dominance simply because of the strong hold of religion among the masses, but more because of the lack of any alternative.
While the regime has been able to crush secular political opposition by repression it has not managed either to crush or subordinate the religious Once there was an upsurge of struggles Ine renoious estan. lishment was in a much more VOUTED poston them.
The political bankruptey of the two traditional organisations National Front Tudeh militants towards the religious - to the Middle Ages. ICAUCES opposition to the Shah.
The wide range forces involved is also reflected in the wide range of political strands within the SHOYCERCHE.
At one extreme are the young and highly radicalised militants whose views TAIC respects socialist. At the other are the bazaar merchants whose opposition to the Shah stems from the erosion of their power and wealth by the development The undisputed leader of the meini. He became well known TOle upsurge against the Shah lead 1963. Since then he has lived in exile in Iraq and now Paris.
The Shah and Western media have presented Khomeini and the Moslem past fundamentalist and reactionary force trying to drag Iran back But religious of social Moslem Khomeini have been able to win mass support because they have taken up issues suen as poverts many and because Me wanto relure Islamic principles.
The heterogeneous class base of the movement means that its political programme beyond calling for the Shah's overthrow and for democratic rights. They call for an Islamic republic, but are unclear on what this would mean. in Despite pressure from the more right-wing elements in the movement, Tains a radical anu-shan and anti-monarchist stand. He has called for disruptive strikes to bring GOwn government.
But the attitude leaders like Moslems is DEBRIS from a looted liquor store is strewn on the street rights, is vague.
Front Khomeini main- present day importance Mossadegh, the military most dangerous 1950s when i comes one man The Instead of calling on the rank and the soldierso come o side of the masses they call on me army lounrow ourtne olan very weak.
2) National number THE National Front owes its and Tame more to history than its His mistory goes back to Ine 1940s when it was formed by Dr -LEt all prime minister who led the adherence 1o struggle for nationalisation of the oil industry in the early present-day National Front is much weaker than Mossadegh's powerful organhas little support and is organisationally But it is the strongest of a of bourgeois liberal orgamsaons in tan today The National Front bears all the worst characteristics of the liberal bourgeoisie of the semi-colonial countries. It lives in constant fear of the masses throughout the Hlass struggles of the past year has trailed behind them.
It calls for the formation of a broad coalition government of "national' forces and bourgeois constitution of 1906 Pressure from the masses has forced the National Front to THE Tudeh Party is Iran's pro-Moscow Communist Party. It was founded in 1942 and rapidly became the most powerful pelitical organisation in Iran after World War I.
At its height it had 100,000 members and almost complete control of the trade union movement.
It was made illegal in 1948 our continued to operate Tair! openly until the 1953 coup.
Tudeh Party i very weak. It has a small base among the working class and students.
Like the National Front it has been trailing behind the mass struggle over the last year and has failed to take the lead.
It calls for the abolition of the monarchy and the setting up of a constituent assembly Like the National Front it calls for a broad coalition government of 'national forces.
Socialist Challenge 16 November 1978 Page 5
WHEN 8,000 workers, most of