IMGpapers 1976–79

Newspapers of the International Marxist Group and its forerunners, 1976–79

Diary of struggle in Iran Brother soldiers, why do you kill your brothers?

Socialist Challenge No. 73, 23 November 1978 · pp. 11-13 of the scan · 3,675 words

The scan: sc-n73-nov-23-1978.pdf (PDF, Marxists Internet Archive, opens at this page)

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page 11 of the scan

history-making events in Iran? Monday, 23 October aLLaK students of Vaseghi High School in Villa Street (an all female school) for no reason at all. They attack the students with clubs and water hoses, injuring thirteen.

The high-school principal intervenes, ICHing the police that they have no business there and that they should get lost. The principal also tells the students that they should all leave the school and go home OrerOWI SaICLY The students leave — yelling, shouting, some crying. But they zo to franshare High School in Kakh Street (all male). students ( both SCRoos then assemble in the schoolyard. There are about 2,000 in all.

The police attack gathering also. The students respond by throwing rocks and bricks. They win. The police have to back down and leave. Four students, Temnale ZO IWO male, injured.

VOLCANO At about three or four in the afternoon the news gets around town inat one orme scudcals has died in the hospital.

ALTIORLaDOUL O. U DeIsons gather at the Grand Mosque of ine cuy. Everyone is angry ds hell. The crowd seems like one big volcano.

Everyone says, We are going to sit here until they give us the body'. At times in the past the covernmen! has murdered protesters and refused to turn their bodies over to relatives A delegation is formed to call the SAVAK, the police, and the gendarmerie to find out the fate of Maryam Borna - the person that people think has been killed- and to inform them of the crowd's decision to sit at the mosque until they learn what has happened to Maryam.

The government agencies do not give clear answers. They say contradictory things as to the whereabouts of Maryam.

HOSPITAL By this time Maryam's sister has come to the mosque.

says her sister was injured with a club and taken to a hospital HOLCaLCHU But she has been looking for her SIICC HO0H. It is 7.30pm and she has looked CvCryWHICIC. but there is no trace of Maryam.

Maryam's sister says that one of the employees of the hospital told her that a body was taken to the morgue. It could very well have been Maryam's body.

This news is announced over the mosque loud-speaker.

People stegacryn by terigious A delegation religious leaders is formed to go and confirm this report.

delegaton leaves and peopic stay in the mosque to await the results.

They are restless, disgusted, and full of hatred for this regime because of all of the the The this two things that it does to people. sone cecrauon about 1.30am. They Maryam was injured and taken to the hospital.

She has just been released and is at her aunt's house. No one has died; the rumour was wrong.

But people are still angry. They decide to call a demonstration for tomorrow to protest police brutality.

Tuesday, 24 October The demonstrators march at about 9.20 morning. There are 30,000 of them.

Every class and layer of society represented students, teachers, people from She the 037aars. establishment, and peasants trom nearby villages The demonstrators chant, now DEOBICE SO UICIS.

kill your brother?'; *Army, you are innocent: vour orticers art butchers'; and 'How long will remain in the sleep you unawareness?' Of course, the favourite chant is "Death to the Shah'.

RALLY Another popular slogan is *The Shah has recently turnec Moslem, he bathed in the blood The of the vouth' Black Friday (the 8 September massacre in Tehran).

The procession marches for a LIme anes assembles in a large open space for a rally. Demonstrators topple a statue of the Shah; the man himself will be next.

Mr Housain intellectual, speaks. He ICLULIIS say *The reason we have gathered There is to show regime our hatred and disgust for them and their police in this C"He says that what we want is freedom of political prisoners, very full political liberties, putting into power of persons who are committed people.

I think by this he means National Front leaders; from begin to what he says, he seems like a in the National sympathiser.

People respond by shouting *That's right, after each tioned. religious The procession begins many move again.

the Moulin Rouge Cinema, a group why do you persons has begun to attack the cinema and nearby cales The cinema is set on fire, and smoke is rising from it as the of march arrives.

Then a portion of the crowd - about 500 persons, mostly youths around the fifteen - follow the lead of the small group, separate from the march, and begin to go around the town houses, liquor stores, banks, and so on.

A friend of mine who lives — a rererence to near the SAVAK headquarter in the city and everytmng rom old me later that this group o CYCLYONC 500 was led by persons Jabary, an says: TOO. the building the ruling mensevo.

and une closed all of a sudden.

WOUNDED Someone Front member or EOCES right them survived. demand is mento Before it gets to twenty to thirty began the members of the SAVAI Wednesday, 25 October from outside the city, Wage city and buildings.

They burning MOVIC two could see his window Wiln discussed to everyone the SAVAK Shah had done this.

Almost probability government the Shah".

Friday, 27 October club-swinging Hojarb city, La confrontation people. prudently tations at all cost.

participate.

front of everyone persons and again The about three Garage. headquarters to burn it down They led everyone inside and then fled One person who was among the group of youths and wa: injured there told me that wher they walked inside the SAVAK headquarters the doors were fired a pistol SAVAK agents Then, from the second floor, SAVAK agents began firing down the stairways onto the youths. Thirteen persons were wounded. Fortunately, all of Gorgan has Later people in the city who were neighbours of SAVAK * This agents told everyone that the twentv or thirty persons who burnins were Iran Today a group of strangers mostly Challenge. ignorant peasants hired by the Among Resistance Corps (the rightwing vigilante squad formed analysis earlier in the year) came to the revolution in began burning burned down man buildings, but the worst thing year 140 they did was to burn the homes Armenians, Mr Avasaniyan and Mr Sokasiyan. issues.

People were very disgusted actol Wa. everywhere, and especially because the, arsonstruuuie: ists were trying to make it look as though the opponents of the Thursday, 26 October nothing happened today, except that a group of fifty to sixty persons, in all paid by the no enthusiastic "about marching for the Shah march through the town chanting, 'Long live the A group of 2,000 to 3,000 workers •TORI Yazdani invaded the riding on trucks tractors. They were looking for WILE But people very avoided confronOne of these club swingers was caught alone by the people, however. After they pressurec him, he said that he had been paid 75 tomans (US$II) to all event, they really made fools of themselves in Saturday, 28 October Another demonstration has been called. Again some 30,000 pour OUTE URIC demonstration is very spirited, people from al classes of society participate.

march Gemonstrators kilometers from OT RDSON SUEUS OLE Jorjan THE When they pass in front of Armenian shops, they chant, *Armenian brothers, SAVAK has burned your house'. This is a very popular chant, because everyone is disgusted with what the SAVAK has done They are also chanting, We trade want freedom in the real sense of the word, for everyone.

The speakers say that the people are opposed to burning down buildings, that in fact such acts are done by known PICHE They dissociate the Shah's opponents from such barbaric acts as burning the homes of the two Armenians. (The city of about 1,000 to 2,000 Armenians.)

article has been reprinted from the latest issue Intercontinental Press Inprecor (Vol 16, No 44). This magazine provides indispensable coverage of the events in Star bevond waal possible in the space of Socialist other things this week's issue includes a major the of the infolding prominent Iranian Trotskyists, single copies are 30p plus p&p. Subscriptions: £9 for one MOSHES R to months (24 issues), or £2.50 for offer of an intOARCEOD Wre nOW to Intercontimental Press/inre PAl 2XP. -OLEO cheques/POs should be made out to Intercontinental Press. IT IS a disgrace that the Government should identify more with the desire of US and British big business to exploit Iran's oil resources than the Iranian workers struggles for decent conditions and democratic rights."

This is part of a resolution Liverpool Trades Council last week, with copies Prime Minister Secretary and to the Labour Party NEC.

The motion, proposed by a shipping branch of the clerical union ASTMS, , demanded an ena to arms saies to uran, al end to the British operations of police, and solidarity with the of Iranian workers.

The meeting noted that arms sales to the Shah might be going through Liverpool and it was agreed to approach the docks shop stewards' committee. THE National Union Journalists is to launch a campaign about the repression of journalists in Iran.

With the formation of the military government a fortnight ago, the army occupied main newspapers and arrested 42 journalists Iranian journalists who have visited the NUJ in London have expressed a determination not to work on papers until military control and censorship have been removed.

NUJ President Denis MacShane has sent a telegram to the Shah, protesting in particular the arrest of the leader of the Iranian Journalists' Union:

'On behalf 30,000 members of National Union of Journalists I ask you to release imprisoned journalists especially Mohammed Khonsarı and to SLOD military intervention and censorship in HCwspaUCED 'During the current crisis Iran needs unimpeded accurate information above all else.

17 Dec. demo Committee ALalTS Repression in Iran has called a RITO IA SEGUOD BUDEBU for 17 December in London.

Already the call has been supported by the Communist Marxist Group and several Labour M''s. number of union leaders the next few days.

The protest will combine opposition to British govern policy on Iran solidarity the workers' struggle to get rid of the Shah.

Socialist Challenge supporters should be discussing they can do locally to build the demonstration.

There may still be time to get labour movement bodies to sponsor the demonstration and of course we should be fighting Tor amanon to CAR.

Try to organise local public meetings, preferably in con junction with other political organisations, CARI speakers to build support for demonstration. Already such a meeting is planned for 4 December at the Camden Centre, Euston Road, London.

Try to use any such meeting launch a local branch of CARI. CARI is planning to have a conference in the new year to help launch itself as a broader movement of solidarity wal the Iranian people.

The more it can grow in the localities now, the easier that task will be.

Socialist Chalfenge 23 November 1978-page 11

page 12 of the scan

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page 13 of the scan

In the new year "Socialist Challenge' will be devoting a regular page to Marxist education. As an introduction we are running a series of articles, of which this is the first, on why revolutionaries need to The historical attitude of the majority of the British labour movement to Marxist theory was established very early in it formation.

Tillett, a future Transport and Union went out condemn hair brained chatterers and magpies of Continental Revolutionists at the founding conference of the Independent Labour Party in 1893.

PRACTICALITY Instead he practicalitv of 'the trade unionists c this country. organised, who paid their money, and were Socialists at their work every day and not merely on the platform, who did shout revolution, and when revolution, sneaked under the nearest bed'.(1)

basic idea "unrealistic', and that what is needed is 'to be practical' was continued into the early Labour Party U211008010103220 5318 *Lib-Lab' MPs in 1906 revealed that only two out of the 45 who replied had studied any works of socialist theory For once Ramsay leader of the Labour Partv at tha time, spoke the truth when he said that Marxist theorv had ittle to do with the Labour Party and nothing to do with its policy'.(3)

This attitude was not confined only ICLOLHSES. however. affected even the early revolutionary Communist Party. member of the CP in the 1920s, has described the situation well:

'The British Communist Party was not rich in theoretical Marxism. In fact, the British movement as a whole for generations was devoid of theory, one could almost say contemptuous of it. 'classical Marxism', that occupied before 1914, scarcely found an echo in this country.

surprisingly, munist Party which was formed in the naicyon days ronowing me vcrooc revolution was equally indifferent to Marxist neory inwas insular in outlook, and devoted itself to rivine a ci-wine mutant care Le trade union struggle. '(4)

This COnCuCSL DY Communist Party. Hugo Dewar na described the process very clearly:

*The party was almost exclusively proletarian in character (too much so, in fact; with the added disadvantage of "anti-intellectualism"'); its members had reached their appreciation of the social order more through their experience of working-class life and labour, than from theory.

"This was their strength, but also their weakness. occupation with agitational activity RAMSAY study Marxist theory.

Thus Ben leader the need General Workers his way to handful;

praised as a model th offered a body of men well too for blood-red CPGB, that theory is itself.

MacDonald, and It also Harry Wicks, Tacl Deutscher termed the those debates Democracy other the Com aided the / Stalinism of the British CONSTATE preBEN TILLETT (top left)

MacDONALD (centre)

ANEURIN BEVAN (left) on a hundred and one issues left little time for study and discussion of political issues that were being fought information discussion was recognised by only a for the rest. markedly anti-intellectual theoretical discussion tended to be regarded as time-wasting, holding up the action.

"There were of course grounds for regarding intellectuals with suspicion, their record in the parliamentary labour damning evidence opportunism and careerism. wariness is one thing, almost total rejection quite another, making it all easy for the CLoranes SiTe discussion of policy.

*This anti-intellectualism of the translating witn crucal discussion was probably the main reason why ODDOSILO! found so littie response among the rank and file.'(5)

most of the revolutionary left Britain even today. Continual jibes about "abstract theory', fed up with theory with a capital T', on dot most left-wing publications.

When it comes to practical activity, groupings which proclaim adherence to Marxism on paper act in according to rules hunches, realpolitik, the gangster-like methods of labour bureaucrats. etc Even genuine revolutionarie, often use phrases such as, 'of course that's all right in theory but we must be realistic, 'that might work in theory but in practice of course, etc.

The idea that 'practicality' and theory are counterposed, that on the one hand there is theory and on the 'realism', has penetrated the labour movement that even those who are most opposed to it find it hard to shake off onsidered that mething every one considered learnt from Marxism. What was (and is) held was that although individual things could be learnt from Marx, and the 'spirit' of his championing of the oppressed could Marxist theoretical framework as a whole nevertheless had to be rejected as "dogma'.

TRIBUTE In fact, 'anti-dogmatism' is still one ol the key woras used Dy Brust reformism to avoid adopting referent set of ideas whatever The young Aneurin Bevan, for example paid generous tribute to the 'spirit' o Marx's Communist Manifesto:

*The largeness of its conception, its profound philosophy grasp of history, its aphorisms and its satire; all these make it a classic of literature, while •Ine passionate revolt which through it, no less than its critical appraisement of the forces of revolt, and a weapon.' for their bias, principles tance. (6)

good TRADITION movement of tradition But Valle professional historian awkward itself into pragmatism, consistent if you are SeTT Marxism strict of thumb, in his deeply majority praised, the Thus way Revolutionists.

movement.

the and its sure note pulses surprising. make it for all rebels an inspiration But he was careful to add that of course the Manifesto was irrelevant 'practical' purposes:

The (Communist) Manifesto is today tactically valueless, principles is site tactical mor of tactical In this framework Marxism is seen merely as one part of a socialist containing many Currents Christianity, labourism, libertarian1007A0 ASIAS BOBO HIST E.P. Thompson has that it is necessary to see Marxism *Less as a self-sufficient system, more as a creative influence within a wider socialist tradition' (7)

And Thompson too states that La rejection of any and instead 'practical rule of thumb' approach has served the British people a grea deal better than most Marxists hav been prepared to admit'.(8)

Now if the answer is to 'blend' Marxism with some other approach, tnen or course virtually any ditterent mixture can exist according to taste. The Labour night can reiect the ideas of Marxism outright while the Labour mixture of to the other brew provided. of course that it never completely contaminates the pot.

Michael Foot spelt out how Bevan, most left-wing attempted to apply this synthesis of Marxism and "British traditions':

"The Marxist theory of the state was inescapable, but the liberal criticism of it would re-emerge. Somehow a synthesis must be devised...Britain, and perhaps only Britain could set the example. Here the British democratic tradition, deriving from the Levellers and une narusts, was grarica onte Bevan's Marxism.'(9)

Finally, to conclude our survey of the conventiona wisdom of the movement we mav note that this las quotation sums up another part of the Great British Tradition in its attitude to Marxist theory. This is its national Ben Tillett didn't merely contine himselt to attacking theory ir general but specifically went out of his denounce Continental This coupling to gether of "theoretician' and 'foreign' as terms of abuse runs right through the history of the British labour INSULARITY Since Labour reformism spent a greater part of its history accepting oppression COT nunereds millions of people by the British Empire, and since then has supported countless imperialist aggressions in such places as vietnam and ireland such national insularity is scarcely After all, if you're prepared to movement even those BELOVE H.M Hyndman.

battleship building against Germany in 1914.

All, which other Harone pattern. While would not accept them!

particularly SLICHILLI of Nevertheless, less crude fashion.

left press.

BREAD period, current in the TWU! reality, class derive from nationalism and 99 per and butter questions'.

This, then, majority tradition working position to labour working class socialists have to face.

Ibid., p.3:

Wicks New Reasoner, Vol 1, No 1 Socialist Challenge 23 November 1978 page 13 attack and enslave "foreigners" with guns and armies you're scarcely likely to be very receptive to their ideas.

This insular national tradition has penetrated so deeply into the labour movement that it profoundly affects attempting to be revolunonares. ne very nirst leader of a Marxist organisation in Britain, SUDDOLLCE programme, was anti-semitic, and championed the wa His first Marxist book, England for was also the first well-known Marxist work by anyone in this country, also set the same all the theoretical chapters were adapted from Marx's Capital, Hyndman did not mention the originater of the ideas by name on the grounds that if it was known that they were by a foreigner then people COLESE a gross example of the USUALLY organisations attempting to be revolutionary since have followed the same pattern, if in a Even today attacks on Third Worldism', 'being enthusiastic about revolutions abroad but not payin attention to the bread and butte issues in Britain' abound through the As if the chief danger in a country with an imperialist past and present such as Britain was an excess of internationalism in the working class or the danger of a mass third worldist problems facing the British working cent of the excessive interconcentration exclusively on 'bread the British class movement: indif terence to uncory and is counter 'practical"

I calon UCYCLODHICHLS and What we will examine in other articles in this series is what produced this tradition and whether it can cope with the very real practical tasks the movement and Pelling, Origins of the Labour Party Miliband, Parliamentary Socialism. p.33 Foot, Aneurin Bevan, Vol 2, p.2

----- pull-quotes -----

WHAT is it actually like to take part in the This article is a political diary kept for a week in October by an inhabitant of Gorgan, a town of about 50,000 some 200 miles north east of Tehran.

before and since this small Iranian town.

There have been bigger demonstrations in Gorgan - on 5 November 70,000 marched in the town - but this account gives some idea of the daily life and political consciousness of the residents of

Journalists' Campaign

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CAPITAL T ost of she revoltionary left to

n in the 1930s' in 5. Dewar, Communist Politics in Britains 8. 36Quoted in Foot, Aneurin Bevan, Vol 1, 1, -19. Thompson and John Saville in Th

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