virtually all the key plants.
leadership in Ford, writes JAMES DRAKE.
The combine was based on the clearest and most decisive demands for defending the standard of living of E20 on the pay and one nour от пе Gay.
Having worked out its demands, the combine set its sights on the Coventry conterence decide on the claim. The Communist Party leadership advanced the vague demand for a "substantial increase"
A vigorous fight was waged among the mass or rora workers and tre stewards committees to mandate the convenors to vole Tor demands advanced by the combine.
The combine won. There was then a G.M mighty campaign of leaflets badges throughout Ford to convince every worker that the claim was not only right but could be won.
This was the origin apparently 'spontaneous' walk out in Ford plants up and down the country in the days immediately following the company's five per cant offer. WALK OUT Rumour has it that it was confusion between a combine-led picket union-company talks shown on TV ane an acua wak oural Dagenham that led Halewood workers to down toos and start the walk out which really did precipitate the strike!
Throughout the strike the combine produced thousands bulletins, lobbied National Joint Negotanng Committee and won new supporters in the various plants.
In London, weekly meetings were nele or soaeeam supporters to decide the content of the MaSS CaBeLs THE FORD WORKERS Group [the Combine] is the most important gain from the strike. The militancy of the 1971 strike was as great, but quickly dissipated after the return to work.
Now there exists an organised and militant left-wing minority in The first vital step has been taken in transforming the union This insistence functioning socialist grouping attractive which was to strang ehod to GROUPS had been set EnC COnCICLe al wagennam and year.
Not the combine it is that, happen?
the Coventry conference The combine weekly all talks of the combine supporters.
SUBSTITUTE and Langley stewards committees.
democratic and the combine's genuine independence from any one made more non-aligned militants inside rora, and allowea une majony of the left opposition to the CP's WOEK CHICCLIVCIY By the end of the strike, new groups up In Halewood; supporters won in most of the smaller plants; and the basis laid for separate groups in a majority of the five plants All this from two small groups in Dagenham and Langlev in lust over a If there is a criticism to make of the given its impact before the strike, it should have been even bigger after it and with a larger number of active supporters among Ford shop stewards. Why didn't this other Before the strike it was obvious that a militant campaign had to be waged both among the rank and file and within the stewards committees and rank and file leadership, wether we like its present composition or not.
Iran a successful A Streue nowever aurug ue SuIKC this approach was not so obvious and for it was in lact questioned by some The result was a tendency combine to substitute itself for the and through them the active involvement of the mass of Ford workers.
Thus the combine took upon itself the task of mobilising the support of trade unionists. supporters constituted flying pickets. DEMOCRACY Only once, in the third week of the strike, did the combine's Ford Strike News raise the demand for ether regular mass meetings or a recall of the Coventry conference.
consistent fight against bureaucratic leaderships of strikes, democratically elected committees, for the right of workers delegates to discuss and vote on any company offer and instruct negotiators, is not simply 'traditiona Trotskyist dogma', as its detractors maintain.
Coupled witn the imaginative tactics and activities at which the combine excelled, this approach is the only way the existing rank and file leadership the committees — can be challenged and transformed and Gemaas wOl Otherwise we needlessly limit our HIDaCL CHOns the workers to those few thousand who have a militant combine supporter for a steward, and who puts up a tough fight on the line.
MSTIS overstated. pudding is in the eating Towards the end of the strike Transport Union Murphy lold the Dagenham shor stewards committee (which technically has over 600 stewards on it) that Ron Todd had reopened negotiations with management over the attendance allowance.
MANOEUVRES This was at a time when the NJNC union side committed to the full claim. Murphy was able to win the backing of the stewards CORTHUCE manoeuvre by arguing that as in 1971 there was a danger of the union chiefs intervening over tne neads of tne NJNC negotiators.
Combine Faced with a choice between the NJNC negotiators union executives. the stewards chost the former.
But there was a third option: fight off the union chiefs by recalling the strike leadership, and taking the fight through mass meetings.
However, credible it would have had to have the been fought for all along; in the Strike strike News; in the lobbying of the NJNC; in auBe stewards Commuticcs ISSUES their Two decided which will allow the combine to continue to increase its influence among Ford workers and build up its support inside the stewards comstewards penalty clauses the workers"
57,000 Ford in one plant.
point is deliberately But the proof of the official Mick and the unions.
still formally this and the trade SEXISM itself that electing a new for this option to b SUICCHHES WOrK crucial issues have been supporters wil mittees: the fight for the 35-hour week, and the struggle against the allacnea the attendance allowance Badges are being produced on these themes, and it is hoped to produce a regular four-page Fraud News early this year. This will help break the isolation that surrounds the struggles CONFERENCE national conference of all combine supporters in mid-February will finalise a platform for supporters and what needs to be done to prepare for the 1979 claim.
Two other things show why the combine is here to stay. Its militant opposition to racism should put it in a good position to fight for POSTLEVC discrimination for black and Asian workers — ooi winn tuc conDal At Dagenham the workforce is close to two thirds black and Asian, but this is not reflected in the composition of the stewards and convenors committees let alone among the full-time officials.
Secondly, the combine remains determinee to nanusex sm . This takes predictable forms in the brutalising atmosphere of male-only production lines and night-shift working.
But it is also within the combine the principle is being maintained that wives and girltriend (and husbands and boyfriends) of Ford workers can attend, speak anc vote at all combine supporters' The potential of such measures was shown by the swiftness with which women comome supporters saunce out the media-inspired wives "back to at Southamptor during the strike.
In 1979 the combine looks set to grow apace. A number of estabished contesting the stewards elections in May, and then it will be roll on the next pay battle.
Socialist Challenge 4 January 1979 Page 11
ment?
Why did you occupy the factory?
We occupied the factory on 29 August 1978 after having been laid off since 7 November 1977.
At that time the management said we were only being given a month's leave. But when we came back we found the factory closed.
When we were laid off, we were already owed ten weeks wages. But we got no warning that une ractory was going to BENEFITS We asked the Minister of Labour if Lolas had the right to shut down a factory like that.
On 22 November we got a reply. The management did not have the right to do it, and the plant had to be reopened and tne workers wages paid But nothing happened.
Wat Coas Wantee was to get rid of the older workers who 0210 BOS DaDE were employed on a permanent fits until you have worked here for three vears.
After its first appeal was turned down, Lolas appealed again and declared bankruptcy. Once again its claims were rejected, and on 29 August the ministry announced that if the factory did not open as soon as possible. the owners would be fined.
The very same day the doors to the weaving shops opened. Lolas was afraid that otherwise the police have broken in and destroyed the doors.
So that made it possible for you to get in:
Yes, there nothing prevent us. But when we went differehing things looked than bered.
Practically all the machines were gone. The office had also been emptied out and the walls were covered over. There was no electric power.
We called a general assembly to discuss what we should do. It was decided that we would not leave the factory.
Later we found out that our machines, or at least some of them, had been removed to the cutting department. decided to keep a watch or them, too.
When was the attack on the factory?
It came on 19 September at filteen minutes past midnight. We were attacked with tear-gas grenades, SLOTICS would Lolas had hired 200 goons to do the job.
But there were also tanks and police cars out in the street, and these covernment Torces manoe no attempt to stop the attack -even mouen them directly for help.
The battle lasted four and a quite half managed to drive us out of the cutting shop and dig in there.
The considered the Textiles Populares, also ownca by Lolas. rity-two of us were injured nignung, some senously.
Is there any chance that the workers at Textiles Populares will support you, so that with their help you can occupy the dents, and People's Front So, the machines?
recognised another one InCI signed contract.
For and clubs. workers and know that that their being laid off.
SOLIDARITY Finally they solidarity now? cutting shop is now property which is help us financially. in the that has helped us. The GUNILLA cutting department and get at This is not likely. Lolas has refused to recognise the union cnosen by ine workers there. l and sweetnear example, the contract provided for laying off a lot of included provisions for social benefits.
So the workers there do not dare support us, because they would lead to Where are you getting help and From the people. We get food from the markets. Other unions The FOCEP is the only party day ZOOnS Stormed Ent factory, it helped us take our Focal to puccise orcase. always count on IMG RALLY AGAINST IMPERIALISM Speakers: Hugo Blanco, Peru: Mike Farrell, Ireland;
Iranian revolutionary: and Tarig Challenge.
Friday 2 February, 7.30pm Camden Town Hall, London NW6. From 5.30 to 7.30pm there will be anti-imperialist exhibitions, Latin American folk music and dancing, and films.
Admission £1. Two tickets for £1.30, three tickets for £1.60. The reduced rates apply only to tickets bought before 31 January and the requests already received indicate you should book now Tickets from IMG, PO Box 50, London N2 XP Make cheques payable to 'The Week THE African Study Group's Publication No 2 is a specia issue on women. The Group hopes that these articles wil contribute to highlighting the struggies of nair our societ against oppression and exploitObtain copies at socialist DOOKSHODS Or OracE rom DU 24, 182 Upper Street, Londor Ni at 40p p&p Teachers' hunger strike in Lima Ali, Socialist AFRA STUDY GROUP
----- pull-quotes -----
That is one of the questions Hugo Blanco, the Peruvian when he visits Britain in early But part of the answer is
when they are elected to parlia- cupying their factory. talks ers the Lolas textile factory on the nental Press/Inprecor'.
leader, is the only party to have Here one of the strike's lead-