will there referendum?
Quite simply because it is the only way that the government Cal guarantee that legislation will be Westminster. The failure this legislation would literally decimate Ene aDOL electorally in Scotland, projecting among Labour supporters a vote for the SP as the only method of securing Assembly.
Opponents of the Assembly (over demanded a referendum as the condition of supporting even an amended Devolution Bill They hoped (and still hope) to use the referendum to sabotage or delay the legislation, but are also increasingly conscious of being held electorally responsible as individuals defeat the Assembly, by their votes at Westminster.
Where does the support for the The legislation arises massive pressure from working people in Scotland middle CaS. proletarian) for some form of self-government.
The demand Assembly, both inside outside the labour movement, is the immediate focus for the disillusionment and distrust of decades of failure by both major parties.
This demand for radical change is articulated in terms of bourgeois democracy, in its extension and its innovation, however. in reactionary self-active nationalism.
The ruling class in Britain has reluctantly this demand, acutely aware of the dangers of an uncontrollable executive in Edinburgh.
about the opposing devolution?
First there is a confused and heterogeneous bloc in Parliament, petty-bourgeois centre gravity.
At this stage it is weak and divided. Despite its consideraDIC SIZE and representation (Powell Kinnock), it lacks any central line or perspective apart from a commitment to sovereignty at all costs.
Thatcher's party is incapable ?
passed Party MICS proposed (lower of organising this current. It is well both split and paralysed, vacillating between its petty-bourgeois base and its for an bourgeois backers.
Secondly, there is the split in and the ruling with those tied both politically and economically to the central state opposed to devolution.
Despite the impressive range of support for the Scotland is British' campaign, these bourgeois elements have little or no terms of political petty bourgeoisie.
acquiesced in Will the although it is democratic?
No bourgeois-democratic system really Restrictions, manoeuvres and advantages are built into the forces very system. This referendum is no exception.
But despite this, it is only under very unusual situations that socialists would turn their essentially backs on the of population when, scope of Boycotting to could be justified instance: (a) the questions were rigged to give only the answers Westminster the government wanted, eg.
De Gaulle's referendums in the 1960s; (b)
OOCH SCOTTISH steelworkers demand jobs around the politically in Spain; going to be Russian elections, 1905 EOYCHIHHICHL class in Scotland, proposed referendum. the Scottish Abstaining or voting referendum be provisions, 'democratic'. democratic rights Scottish people matter how critically of the in the choice vote for an Assembly. referendum if, for referendum, agitation to self-determination?
referendum was By banned, e.g. 1976 referendum (c) its results were ignored by the immediate anyway e.g. on its powers.
None of this is true for the Socialists position Maybe we shouldn't boycott the referendum, but should we explain how support the government White Assembly.
against the White Paper (or the final Bill) is very different from possible boycotting a rigged referendum. However, the Bill should be supported, for despite its vetoes and prohibitions, which have to be fight. constantly denounced, it does contain the essential feature of for the - that of a directly elected Assembly.
For that reason, and that reason alone, we support — no the government's Bill. Faced with the masses between though it against, abstaining, or supporting the setting up of an Assembly, we say vote yes, MOCLaCY.
matter But won't the questions in the purely against the government's Bill, interfere with Scotland's right which legal niceties The crucial lesson will be learned LITOLE! victory against Westminster delay and opposition, through the vehicle of a referendum, a vehicle can be used by the Assembly itself in the future.
Are we in favour of including a question on independence Yes, for the more detailed and open the choices given, the democratic the result Also we think it is necessary questions should include the immediate setting up of an Assembly restriction on its powers.
are you against independence?
At this stage the working class will gain nothing the dismemberment of the British state into various independent sub-units. Unlike Ireland there no concrete forms national oppression which separation would smash.
The greatest strength of the Scottish working people still labour movement workers in England and Wales, which a socialist federal system of government would maintain.
How should socialists orient to the referendum campaign?
We should argue for the widest possible bodies of the labour movement to organise an independent campaign in the factories, offices and housing schemes. This campaign should argue for a clear vote in favour of a directly elected Assembly, which means support, no matter how critical, of the government's Bill.
We should argue for the greatest possible choice in the questions, and a vote against independence. Most importantly, we should seize the opportunity open during the campaign to explain that only executive formed by the workers parties, accountable to the organisations of the labour movement, is capable of realising any of the hopes that Scottish people have in the Assembly.
Such an executive, if it was to carry out any policies in the interests of the working class, would find it necessary to assume powers to confront the power of private capital and commercial secrecy anarchy of production private profit.
----- pull-quotes -----
support among their traditional base,
absence of any other form of self-expression, they partici- pate in bourgeois democracy.