By C.O. Jones IN most of Spain's big towns and industrial centres Franco's old fascist appointees have left their mayoral desks for the last Last week's municipal elections left the two largest working class parties with 70-80 per cent of the vote in towns of more than 50,000 people.
The exception was in the Basque country nationalist slates between them won a majority.
Many of the old fascist mayors stood for re-election for the first time by effortlessly switching their allegiance to the governing Union of Democratic Centre (UCD). Madrid was a case in point, where the old mayor, Jose Luis Alvarez, was roundly beaten by In the rural areas, however, many of the old mavors or other UCD candidates returned, renecung solid support for the government in much countryside, and the continuation of electoral patronage The question which Immediately posca was. now FAR LEFT GAINS THE general swing to the left in the Spanish local elections also favoured the smaller left-wing parties fighting for a socialist alternative to the policies of the Socialist and Communist Party leaders.
Foremost among these are the Trotskyists of Revolutonar Communist League (L.CR) who won a total of 35 local councillors and two mayors. This makes up for a disappointing general election score of 45,000 votes overall.
The two mayors are in the the major towns, when only a month ago it lost to the right wing in the general election?
Apart from the fact that local elections generally favour the left, an obvious answer lies in the lett's disunity in the earlier poll as compared attempt patch agreement for the municipals.
Both parties must take the two blame for this disunity, but the Communist Party (PCE) in particular has spent two years firing vicious polemic at the (PSOE), at the same time as gracious the towards the UCD.
The PSOE for its part has shunned an electoral alliance for fear consequences of being propelled into government.
Yet immediately after the municipals the two leaders arrived at an agreement to give tem working major ties. PCE leader Carrillo, the the individual most responsible for the sectarian divide, was now carried away with the need for a "global accord' was The left held attraction at a local level since it Basque provinces of Vizcaya and Navarra, and 25 of the councillors Basque country the LCK'S commitment to the struggle and its deep roots in the region.
There were also councillors in Catalonia, three in Castile, and one each in the Aragon and Andalusia.
Of the other two major far left parties the Movement (MC) polled rather less and the Workers Organisation (ORT) rather more, but we don't yet have exact figures.
most credible anonaly Dom pardes nave fallen in line behind government policy on everything from law and order to working class living standards. however, they were seen as the only way of clearing out the an fascist remnants.
The obvious parallel is with the 1931 municipal elections, damaging when an equally sweeping left victory had a national political impact which overthrow of the monarchy. Socialists Nothing so dramatic can be expected now, but this result is gestures bound to make it far more difficult for the PCE and PSOE leaderships to get off the hook and avoid the responsibility of poluca. confronting the government.
Alady, though, the are trying understanding with local rightwingers. In example, majority by doing a deal with the right-wing Catalan nationalists.
In Andalusia the nationalist Socialist Party of Andalusia (PSA) holds greater party which received financial support from the UCD during the general election campaign. In the Andalusian municipal election campaign the major left parties agreement with the UCD - reflecting struggle against caciquismo' — long-standing the system of Basque patronage and corruption most ably represented by the UCD itself!
The PCE sees unity with the PSOE as an 'instrument within a broader field of collaboration the such as the UCD Communist words, rather than unity being La weapon for struggle against Revolutionary the government it is seen as a means The one place where that alternative. albeit In confusing way Basque country.
Locally, been able to cities bloc deputies.
led This has wing of the phenomenon than that.
and does supporters, Barcelona, for the Basque people.
Socialists got a certainly membership, the entire Marxist-Leninists UWIECES the balance, programme pondingly hazy.
The could come reached an common ground to electoral offers struggle disgraceful self-determination progressive forces - in other order'.
greater Cas.
battles between confused and was the The largest party there was the bourgeois Basque Nationalist Party (PNV). But it has form working mies des Bilbao and sast Bilbao and Sebastian only through the support of the second-largest Herri Batasuna been all very confusing for the press, which had gone out of its way to label Herri Batasuna as the electoral 'terrorist' ETA milita. But it is a more complex It is clearly more radical than the Christian Democratic PNV, include ETA COUl defining characteristic is that it, like the PNV, claims to be a party of all That reflected in which includes spectrum factory corresImmediately after the general election one of the front's leaders was asked what its policies were - and all up with as were demands about political prisBasque voters have opted for this vague alternative because it prospee of - in contrast to the failure workers' parties to fight for and their support for Madrid's 'law and The result is a major blow to the government's centralist line on the national question and could be the signal for new the Basque people and the Spanish state. Carrillo, leader of the Spanish Communist Party, with Suarez, the right-wing premier.