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manifesto management, and the unions divisions.
and training" three in the manifesto's five priorities.
Labour's sharp, the Common Market. for women? Not a mention. accurately when it said that Callaghan is fighting the election with the Tories policies.
return of the Tories wouldn't be so bad for the working class because there's not much difference between their policies and Labour's. No one could agree more with this latter fact than Socialist Challenge. We have always argued aginst the lesser of two evils' position as a basis for calling for a return of the Labour government. would indicate a certain demoralisation in the ranks of the workers movement. And for those sections of workers whose votes would be included in any Tory victory, this would represent a real retreat from even the degree of class independence which a vote for Labour represents.
would lead to an immediate, automatic anti-Tory upsurge. This depends very much on the general confidence and the state of combativity of the working class. We don't want to speculate on future developments, but we should note that under a Labour government significant numbers of working people have refused to accept arguments for wage restraint and have taken action.
which the union leaders will try to exert on their members to respond positively to the appeals we are now hearing from Thatcher for talks with the unions. "If we don't get an agreement", it will be argued, 'much worse is in store for us.' bureaucrats into deals with the bosses and their party if Thatcher were in 10 Downing Street, a wide range of reactionary forces would also find circumstances favourable to their projects. All of them including the lifers, the morality crusaders, or organisations like NAFF would find a new lease of life with the Tories in office. depths in the misery suffered by the working class today. THE bedrock of Labour's right-wing election manifesto is the *renewed co-operation with the trade union movement' which the TUrnment Concordat represents. And the manifesto goes just as far in its policies of class collaboration as the Concordat.
To provide an alternative to what it describes as a 'Tory free-for-all in pay and prices, the manifesto wheels out the proposals for three-way talks between government ministers, - as if all parties should share a "national interest which somehow overcomes The goal for attaining an inflation rate of 5 per cent by 1982 is repeated from the Concordat, as is the paltry 3 per cent industrial growth rate. A weak promise for 'special attention on more jobs - one of the few references to youth — is number Definite policies to extend individual freedom are so vague as to be meaningless, and a central point of international affairs is vote-seeking attack on the agricultural policies of The manifesto's authors have the nerve to record 'progress' in Northern Ireland, despite the policy of wholesale repression carried out under the Labour government-against the Republican population. And its claim of winning a 'new deal for women' through legislation will certainly not be greeted enthusiastically by women workers who have experienced a broadening of the gap between their wages and those of male workers. Abortion rights And Labour certainly won't pick up extra votes among the Asian and black community with its promise merely to 'continue' (sic) to protect the community against discrimination and racism.
With this platform, Jim Callaghan calls on those who 'dare to turn the dream of a caring society into practical action' to vote Labour. But his promises amount to little more than continuing years of attacks on working people. They can only serve to help return the Tories. The Observer described the situation most Within the workers movement there are those who argue that a But that's not all that is at' stake. First of all, a Tory government Secondly, it is not the case that the return of the Tories We should equally consider, however, the enormous pressures Finally, just as it could well be easier to draw trade union the right-toAnd if these forces are given a boost, we could well see new election platforms.
the SWP, explains to PETER GOWAN plans in the election period.
The general policy of the International Marxist Group and the Socialist Workers Party in the election involves voting Labour.
But the IMG, along with others in Socialist Unity, standing candidates to present socialist challenge to right-wing gramme in safe Labour seats.
Why has the SWP decided against mounting such an electoral challenge, however small?
To be honest, I don't think the left alternative candidates whether reformist, in the case of the Communist Party, or Socialist Unity - will have any significance. 1 regret it, but that is the will be directing our We will attention to slamming the and arguing, purely on a class basis, vote But of course we shan't say, "Don't vote for candidates to the left of Labour' You want to try it. Well, good luck to you.
We direct the bulk of our efforts towards the industrial struggles and trade struggles to come.
If we had 30-40,000 people then we could do both - have an electoral and an industrial challenge. But we don't have such forces, so we choose.
Where there are Socialist Unity candidates, will your members give us a hand?
We will be concentrating on struggle electoral bloc, it has campaigned for the involvement of the Socialist Workers' Party. In the SWP has contested the same seats as Socialist Unity despite the closeness of the two In the general election, the SWP has now decided not to stand. DUNCAN HALLAS, a central leader of International Marxist Group's Political Committee why the SWP has changed its conference decision to contest the elections, and outlines the organisation's basic socialist propaganda; the campaign against the Concordat; and anti-fascist activity. If we thought there was any value in the actual electoral intervention. then we would b running candidates ourselves.
Of course, if people want to vote for Socialist Unity or the CP, good luck to them.
We will, of course, be using our electoral platforms precisely to drive forward the Concordat fight and the struggle against the National But people will be asking Your members whether the SWP thinks that it is right to back Socialist Unity candiFor example, in Callaghan's constituency Pat Arrowsmith will be backed by Socialist Unity. People may well ask SWP members whether they will be backing Arrowsmith or Callaghan.
From our point of view, this is an issue we shouldn't get very excited about. In terms of the national alternatives we have to say, 'Grit your teeth and vote accordingly There will be members of the SWP not to speak of sympathisers - who won't be able to bring themselves to do it. We shan't make a big fight about it, because we think there is a viable left alternative at the present time.
For us, it is incomparably more important that we try to lay the basis, in the workplaces and in the trade unions, for the struggles to come.
Capitalism is in crisis. The leaders of the Labour Party and the trades unions STOP This marks change assessment from the position taken at the SWP conference, doesn't it?
Al me conterence, we said "Vote Labour', or — low key -'Vote left of Labour, if you want to'. But it's true that at the conference a small majority did vote that we should mount our own electoral intervention.
Since then that position has been effectively dropped as far as any significant number of the membership is concerned.
Why has the view changed? Because your perspectives for growth then have materialised or because of a new assessment of the objective situation?
It's because of our actual experience of electoral interYou have to learn from experience. We contested seven by-elections. The results were not impressive.
You've also contested by-elections. Exactly the same thing - unimpressive results.
I don't gloat about that. I'm sorry you didn't do better. Nevertheless, the Edge Hill result was poor and you can't in the eyes of the millions of workers throughout the world. We are opposed to accuse us of splitting the vote.
was because of this experience that we changed our mind on electoral intervention.
So you are basically telling SWP branches to decide for themselves whether they should give a nano in me socialisi Unity campaigns?
I think you are mistaken in mounting this election campaign. But in terms of voting of course, we shall vote for your candidates But will not involve ourselves in the nitty-gritty of electoral work, because have a series of operations that we are attempting to mount which will absorb all the energies of our people The fundamental problem facing the revolutionary left at the present time not its obvious electoral weakness, nor is it, as Socialist Unity tends to argue, the division between various grouplets.
But it is the left's effective isolation from the mass of the working class movement and its extremely weak roots in work places of all kinds.
That is the fundamental problem we have to rectify. All the rest is effectively a delusion ERaL can jump over our own heads.
Our socialism will be infinitely more democratic than what exists in