THROUGHOUT capitalist Europe the bourgeoisic reacted generalised recession of 1974-75 by unleashing an anti-working class "austerity" offensive. Its basic aim was to make Ine workers ocar ine cost or tion. The main lines of attack were:
• An ettenor to stop anviocrense to real wages, and even to reduce them, on the pretext of fighting inflation.
The high rate of increase in productivity maintained in most of the imperialist countries meant that this would lead to a considerable increase in the rate of surplus value and therefore - all things being equal — to a significant boost in the rate of profit. That was effectively the chief aim of austerity.
* A no less brutal attack on the zains of the workers sphere of social security and welfare spending.
Cent of wages in the sectors hardest hit by the crisis, right up to the dismantlins of whole shipbuilding industries are typical examples.
The consequent sharpening regional differences partly explains the reappearance gional agitation, even the redisc very of certain "national identities" in various European countries • An attempt to crode trade union rights and the ability of the labour movement and working mount a vigorous response to this generalised anti-working class offenSIVE This includes measures such as the extension (Denmark). attacks on secondary right (France), and attempts to cut down on shop stewards rights, especially their ability to go beyond the results of national negotiations (Italy, Spain, This generalised anti-working class offensive has obviously taken specific forms in each country. The incomes policies of the Wilson and Callaghan governments in Britain, the austerity plans of the Andretti government in Italy and of successive governments in Portugal, the Harre plan in France -these are the most striking examples Surprised and disconcerted by the crisis and its consequences, bogged down in their general strategy of class collaboration, refusing to admit the possibility of any global anti-capitalst solution (by breaking with the logic of profit), the leaderships have generally capitulated before the schemes of big capital.
In a series of countries they have even been the main initiators austerity — above all in Britain, West Germany, to some extent in in Portugal.
They have 'managed the crisis of apitalisen In other countries, their involve ment in "social contracts" used as amokescreens for the policies of bourgeois allowed their initial implementation.
This is notably true of the policy followed by the Italian CP (and also SP) under the Andreotti government; In relation to the Moncloa Pact in Spain; and also in Finland, where the CP covered up completely for the austerity policy of a government led by social-democratic and bourgeois ELTELES.
to the they were very movement in the ONDON AVISION represents an class contracts demonstrate Nevertheless, after marking time struggles against sackings and factory for a period, the working class has begun to mount a response in 1978| French steelworkers' struggle. and carly 1979 (again, the timing and scale have varied from country to the three years since the start of the country). This has generally taken a wage increases. These have achieved major success in West Germany and Britain, less so in Spain (aithough militant and SE HURLES EMPLO closures. A typical example is the In drawing up a balance-sheet of austerity offensive, one can state that, with the exception of Portugal, the bourgeoisie With the bourgeoisie unable to impose its solutions, and the working CUTE LAL I leadership to impose its own, the crisis and "political power', The search for overall anti-capitalist solutions to the crisis must involve political solutions.
The response Marxists to the austerity offensive combines five necessary which are merely the application of the general strategy of transitional demands to the concrete conjuncture:
1. The projection demands as immediate objectives of struggle:
ARE FIGHTING FOR EVERONE • agalast of revolutionary clements of precise for very World' peoples.
workers" austerity;
example) democratic sell-organisation unitary solutions:
workers government.
SEEUCEUTiNg and Connunist vital factory closares, without compensa the only a workers' no redundancies of alternative programme (ithried internationally.
attacks purchasing power, a stiding scale of wages and social benefits on the basis of' a cost of living index drawn up by the trade against the continuing crisis, a plan of economic development based on the complete nationalisation of credit, key industries and all major firms, without compensation except small shareholders, democratically elaborated plan whose priorities are in line with the needs of the working masses and the Third • for International coordination of action throughout every multinational and in the industries hardest hit by the crisis (steel!).
2. Unitary mobilisations to obtain these objectives, essentially though extra-purbamentary action:
WUSIC BREL aptation and propaganda for a general strike to end propaganda fincluding. by for the setting up of structures for the of the masses (democratically elected strike commitcentral strike committees, conferences of strike committees. "C. Systematic defence of overall political solutions, including at the governmental level, which can only be • systematic propaganda and, iccasion, agitation for a worker government, for governments of the organisations (Labour CP/SP governments, CP/SP/trade union governments, according to the country and the concrete circumstances), demanding that they satisfy the chiet demands o the working masses;
• systematic propaganda for the unity of the working class and allies, for a united front of all the organisations claiming lo be part o workers movement, and WENCE front through unitary committees from the base to the summit in order to contro the activity of such a government • no illusions about the ability of the reformist leaderships to break effectively with capitalism 4. Systematic action to advance the emergence of alternative icaderships inside the mass organivations;
• a struggle for trade union unity democracy, for militant unionism, for the emergence of class struggle lendencies aiming LUSHEE control of the unions from the bureaucratie apparatuses, above all duringand following major struggles •for comradely discussion and unity in action with the left tendencies developing little by little inside the and social-democratic 5. A systematic policy of building and strengthening the nucicus of the revolutionary party, whose growth is both to stimulating the appearance of alternative leadership: in the plants and unions and in orienting the mass struggle in a clearly unitary and anti-capitalist direction.
With the present relationship of forces, there is nothing which says that the semi-spontancous response of the masses cannot be transformed into a generalised assault against the capitalist system. is there anytbing whuch guarantees it.
To achieve this transformation — possibility of a positive outcome to the crisis requires a struggle for the whole of the action which has just been both nationally aNd Socialist Challenge 24 May 1979 puge-13
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LUPE ICKET