legislative Assembly in Scotland.
is campaigning for a Yes vote in the referendum. BY THE LATE 1960s the traditional ruling parties in Britain had been exposed in the eyes of the Scottish working people. *13 Years of Tory Misrule had been followed by the Labour government of 1964-70, and yet the social and economic problems which had throughout the 1920s and '30s seemed to be still insoluble.
The deep-seated structural problems of the Scottish economy persisted. Long-term attrition of job opportunities - the closure of the the shipyards, ine railway and the heavy engineering Tactories remained a major problem.
New industries, where they were set up, tended to be part of a "branch factory economy, employing unskilled, low-paid workers: in many cases in areas far from the traditional areas of working class concentration.
Glasgow and its surfounding areas, in which almost half the population of Scotland lived, continued to provide some of the worst housing conditions, the worst unemployment figures, and the lowest health standards of any similar area throughout Europe.
Migration from Scotland in the 1960s accounted for almost 96 per cent of the natural growth in the population, a higher proportion than any other area of Europe.
A central factor in the rise among Scottish working people of aspiratons to self-government was the changing role which state institutions came to play in economic life after the Second World War.
The "welfare state' ideology promoted by the endorsed by the British working class in 1945 included a commitment to full employment — a concept which was retained, at least in principle, for adequate workforce, through the setting up of new towns.
Regional policy - especially since it had the support of the trade unions and the Labour Party - became the main vehicle for change in Scotland. The vast majority of Scottish people Scotland believed that this policy, combined with distinct 'Scottish' institutions of the state, could reduce unemployment and provide adequate housing and health facilities.
Disillusionment with the performance of both major political parties was widespread at the time of the fall of the Heath government, and was reinforced by the austerity policies rapidly introduced by the newly-elected Labour leaders.
All the preconditions existed for some form of 'radical' change. The growth of the Scottish National Party 4101003120M Scottish people's desire for that change ane was in me new town. that the ideas of nationalism first took hold.
The new "middle classes' were totally disillusioned by the failure of Heath and saw the possibility of being squeezed by the unions.
The SNP took this regionalism one step further. Why not set up our own independent Scotland, free from outside interference and able to use the new benefits of North Sea oil? This was the view which attracted the Scottish middle class, together with sections of the working class.
The demand for Assembly in Edinburgh became the and focus for the discontent, and with the Labour Party initially hostile to any change from Westminster rule there General than in any period since 1966.
SNP. Despite crisis seems to be developing within the party over its reactions to these events and the leadership of the party is in turmoil.
despite the attacks on working class living standards by the Labour government, and workers' continued elected resistance to these, the political concessions which the Labour government offered were supported by the Scottish working people.
SCOTLAI SAYS NO Regional economic policies haven't worked and nor will an Assembly on its own. adopted and elected in the three by-elections which took place; in two of these the Labour Party achieved Scottish more votes than it did at the last Opinion polls showed greater support for Labour The reverse was the case with the having excellent, the Assembly "populist' candidates in the three by-elections, the SP's vote slumped. A Secretary What does this indicate? First, commissions.
Their demand had been for an AND LESS PORTI FOR SCOTLAND RESTUESTER seems to point in the opposite direction. In the absence of an elected Assembly and the real advantages which it will confer on Scottish working people, the pull of "nationalism" will be stronger.
Much more positive reasons can be seen for supporting the setting up of There are at present unique and separate institutions through which the Scottish people are governed. The of for Scotland, through the Scottish Office, employs 12,000 civil servants running the equivalent of nine English ministries. They supervise 204 ad hoe boards or The form of British state which governs Scotland is, to say the least, the less generous than the forms which govern England and Wales.
This allows a specific relationship to develop between the elected leaderAlthough there are dangers in the Scottish people placing their trust in any form of Assembly, it has already given a great impetus to reforming legislation. In many areas of civil life divorce, abortion, women's legal rights, homosexual rights, educational provision - a range of reforms are presently being formulated While many of these will fall foul of the new legislative process, their introduction will become a focus for the mass activity needed to achieve them.
Already working people look to the institutions of the state to intervene in their favour. This process WIll DI greatly strengthened with an elected Assembly.
Whether or not the Assembly has formal DOWCIS solve unemployment, bad housing, and inadequate health provisions, this will not stop the Scottish people raising demands for the Assembly to act in their interests.
Socialists have to argue that only struggles outside the Assembly will have any impact on the massive problems of Scotland. But through the Assembly it will be possible to take to task the traditional leaders of the Scottish workers, and to contrast socialist solutions.
For these reasons it is vital that the socialist movement should support the demands of the Scottish people The Labour Party, the Scottish unions, and the Communist Party are lined up behind a Yes vote. The CBI, the banks, industrialists and the Tory Party, together with small sections of the Labour Party left, are for a No During the referendum debates, it is the policies of the SNP and the Labour Party which are dominant.
With the participation of the Socialist Workers Party, revolutionary socialists would be making a more powerful inpact on the campaign Unfortunately, the SWP is calling for vote. Socialist Unity is campaigning in Scotland for the biggest possible Yes vote (not least because those who do not vote will be recorded as a No vote). socialisis seppointhe cal for an We are explaining Assembly, and are seeking to use the campaign to help build a socialist alternative to the policies of the SNP and the Labour Party.
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approves the government's legislation setting up an elected, DES TIERNEY and PAT KANE explain why Socialist Unity
ASSEMBLY? MORE BUREAUCRACY MORE GOVERNMENT
No EDUCATION