The only additional factors are vague romises on the productivity front. But he government, sensing correctly that he concordat now puts the public ector union leaders in an embarrassing osition, is unlikely to give anything for othing as far as productivity goes. The already chronically understaffed ublic services seem likely urther job losses if a productivity deal s to have any substance.
The concordat has thus achieved its — to allow the union leaders in he public SELLOR to calling off the struggle, long before the ull claim has been ipproached, except — so far — in one London borough.
The long-term implications of the concordat - both for public sector and ther workers — are even more serious. voluntary' limits should be placed on trike action; there is the institutionaliing of 'comparability" exercises; and the union will have the right to pickets should be placed.
face "boneless".
concordat, recommend COnCOrdaI remotely "voluntary' law.
credibility that firm in one fell swoop. How?
against the concordat.
service. 4-5,000 for on picketing there is the proposal that officials and not those Wales actually involved in any strike action decide where Seen in this light the concordat is cuts by "boneless' only in so far as it threatens to make the trade union movement Not one single vote on the TUC General Council was cast against the on trips.
including those of Alan SOUL Fisher and Communist Party member Ken Gill. But that does not mean the now law, 2 Del Just as the deal will gain a good deal if the workers' offer is accepted, so the public sector workers can deal with the measly offer they have had, and the concordat, By rejecting the offer and calling for an all-out strike — against low pay and the health service should be run.
campaign against health service cuts.
'A lot of the best campaigns have been where support has been mobilised from outside the health service, says Kate Truscott.
The Fightback bulletin, which sells copies quarterly, examples such as the industrial action hospital Hempstead, and the widespread communiy and trade umon suppor for the fight against health service cuts in Cynon Valley, South Wales In Cynon Valley, a protest sit-in lasting eight weeks was supported by rolas or pickets wrom sieel Works factories and pits, each providing two or four workers per shift, with thei made up by workplace collections.
'We didn't leave it there,' says Cari Brecker. 'We found there were three campaigns in Wales not in touch with ach other. So we proposed they ge ogether regionally, and with Cardif Trades Council they now form a South Co-ordinating Committee against NHS cuts?
entally seror hospiLancashire, mentally subnormal Lancashire, nurses worked to rule against staff occupying TWO running them at what they thought was an adequate staffing level. Local bus workers helped by taking patients out whether the issue is cuts or wages, the question of cash limits can't be ducked. The Government has a rigid cash total for the NHS bureaucracy to work within, leaving them to divide it UD DCEWCCU wages, investment, and running costs.
*This means that any demand for wages or against hospital closures will affect the overall total,' Carl explains. 'You can't raise the question of more jobs, higher wages, or closures withou cmanoe an ena to cash unus and massive injection of funds.' WORKERS are beginning to take their own decisions about how That is where recent action by health workers is pointing, according to CARL BRECKER and KATE TRUSCOTT, members of the co-ordinating committee of Fightback, the national They argue that the present wages fight and the struggle against the cuts raise the question of a new way of running the health It also means running the health service in a new way. Kate points oul how the way the health presently run works against the level of health care in the community.
Prestige in the medical profession does not come from community care. reports or specialising in looking health needs of children, the old, or Hemel women, or dealing with industrial disease. *It comes from specialising "prestige acute diseases and medical disorders, or high-technology things like heart transplants."
The current struggles point to a different way. have justified their action by saying if we do not take action, cuts will reduce provision so much that we canno provide a service *They know the NHS is already just an emergency service."
But this makes it vital to link the demand for £60 for 35 hours to the question of staffing. *If workers win more money without breaking the cash limits, Kate argues, *that could just mean fewer jobs, more cuts in equipment and more closures of hospitals; and shortages, which hardship to staff and patients.' Fighting the cash limits also means taking up the private profiteering trom the health service, by drug companies and outside contractors More and more hospital services, such as laundry and catering, are being contracted out to private enterprise low-wage profiteers attack on workers' ability to control the health service,' practice in the health service is not just a matter of pay-beds.
But union leaders are not taking this up, instead tney are talking productivity deals, lity'. 'But the £60 claim is based or comparability; it is two-thirds of the average male wage,' says Kate.
two service is after the *Everywhere workers workers especially more staff spontaneous, CausC the biggest control.
level, 'All this is an discussed says Carl. 'Private early in June. about and comparabi- Make sure represented.
London NW1 Socialist Challenge SSHOUR *The problem now, Carl maintains, *is that wherever people are trying to get meetings going that cut across union limits and go beyond £60 for 35 hours there is an unwillingness to respond because of the way the union leaders are directing the campaign, into sectoralism and inter-union rivalry.
The policing role of the trade union leaders has never been more damnable than now, when the feeling, the anger degree of trade union organisation are tere as never Derore, and the political conditions are there to win against the Labour government.' Kate points out that the 1973 ancillary strike W dis much more with more stewards But the members today are better organised, more prepared to act and ess frightened. Both agree the bes action has been where control has been wrested by stewards from divisional For where officials have been better than average.
problems will be by Fightback's affiliated union branches, cuts campaigns, trades women's shop stewards committees and others, at their forthcoming national conference your organisation is Further information from: Fightback, 30 Camden Rd, 22 February 1979 Page 9